Mabini: architect of the Philippine revolution

Title

Creator

Majul, Cesar Adib

Language

English

Year

1962

Subject

Panorama Volume XIV (No.9) September 1962

Rights

In Copyright - Educational Use Permitted

Fulltext

* “A people that has not yet arrived at the fullness of life must grow 3 nd develop, otherwise its life would be paralyzed—which means its death.’* MABINI: ARCHITECT OF THE PHILIPPINE REVOLUTION By Cesar Adib Majul All revolutions, as move ments affirming the worth of the individual and attempt ing to re-define social rela tions, h!ive had their prota gonists. These are the men who either participated in timately in the determination of the direction of the move ment or who, in retrospect, analyzed rhe revolutionary events in terms of theoreti cal principles, making the Revolution a fact of signifi cance and assuring it a pro per position within the pers pective of the history of a na tion. It was Mabini’s distinct character that he played this double role in the Philip pine Revolution, more speci fically in its second phase. Hifr first role refers to his ac tivities as adviser to Aguinaldo in June 1898, and then as prime minister in the first Philippine Republic from January 1899 to May of the same year. As author of the electoral and other organic laws of the Revolutionary government, he was respon sible for formulating the postulates by which the au thority of a new-born state came into operation. Deter mining the broad outlines of foreign policy from June 1898 to May 1899, he saw to it that the recognition, of in dependence should not suffer any amendment. All of these mean, in effect, that Mabini played a major and vital role in determining the route the Revolution was to take. It was a direction from which the revolutionary leaders could not deviate without abandoning the primal prin ciples which fed the initial vigorous step of the Revolu tion. These were the princi4 Panorama pies of national independence and for the construction of a new social order in conson ance with “justice and rea son,” where social disharmo nies were absent. Filipino historians • have adequately described Mabini’s participation in the mo mentous events of our his tory. Consequently, an em phasis on his other role is in order. This is his posit’iQn as a Filipino political philo sopher par excellence. Ap plying categories, properly belonging to the philosophy of history, to the evjents of the Revolution when the suc cess of American arms became patent to all, he reflected on its rationale, gains, losses, and the eventual unfolding of its implications. Thus, as it were, the events of the Re volution began 'to be coordi nated into an intelligible system, and the Revolution itself could now be viewed as an important phase in the march of the Filipino towards more freedom. As a political philosopher reflecting on the Philippine Revolution, Mabini’s descrip tion as to what the revolu tion actually consisted of must be distinguished, from what he prescribed the revo lution ought to have been. He believed that when a people were consistently de nied participation in the high offices of a government, when their aspirations for better education and an in crease of civil rights were shamelessly disregarded, and when they begin to believe that the government was biased in favor of a special segment of society, a deep re sentment among the people would result. This situation together with circumstances such as a weakening of the government and a general disobedience to the laws would inevitably develop in to a revolution. A revolu tion is thus described as “the violent means utilized by a people ... to destroy a duly constituted authority, subs tituting for it another more in consonance with reason and justice.” And to estah * lish a connection between positive law and the abstract conception of justice, Mabini leaned heavily on natural law as a corrective or model for human law. Adhering to the excellence of the mind as a value, Mabini hoped that the exercise of reason September 1962 5 would lead men to discover solutions for the settlement of differences, formalize stand ards of justice, and lay down the foundations for what was believed to constitute the common and good life. Clearly, it is problematical as to how much reason can serve to diminish social con flicts, but it can be converse ly asserted that it is rather the dissolution of social in equalities that might precise ly make men think or reason better. However, it must be pointed out that Mabini was essentially a product of Euro pean rationalism and early nineteenth century liberalism, ideologies that maintained the almost infinite capacity of the mind to better things not only in the scientific field but also in the ethical and poli tical sphere. , These influences on Mabini led him to assert that the de sire for a revolution in the Philippines was derivative from the natural impulses, found among all men, toward progress. Or rather, when these impulses were being stifled by bad government revolution becomes a neces sity. To quote: “Th * tendency for betterment or progress is a necessity or law found in all beings, whether individually or col lectively. Thus a political re volution, which is generally intended by a people to bet ter their conditions, becomes an irresistable necessity . . . A people that has not yet ar rived at the fulness of life must grow and develop, other wise, its life would be para lyzed—which means its death. As it is unnatural that a be ing should resign itself to its own death, the people must employ all its energies in or der that a government that impedes its progressive dev elopment be destroyed.' * Mabini’s intense faith in the desire and ability of the Filipinos to better their lives and contribute to the general progress and culture of the world, as well as his belief that it was natural for a peo ple to do away with the im pediments stifling the im pulses toward progress, led him not only to justify the Philippine Revolution but also to assert that it was both irresistible and inevitable. Mabini revolted from the notion that the Filipinos were doomed indefinitely to brutalization and colonial and ecclesiasitical oppression. However, to bring about a successful termination to the Revolution, it was further 6 Panokama believed that the Filipinos had to be united into a sin gle will aiming at the good of all. And once this will was directed to organizing the collective life along na tional lines, it would ulti mately prevail over the mili tary forces either of Spain or that of the United States. It yas hoped that this will was, at bottom, one that re flected love of neighbor and country and could conse quently thriist to the back ground all petty, narrow and sectarian jealousies. Conse quently, a movement that was initiated to serve the in terests of a special class in society, nullified in effect the existence of such a will, and did not deserve the name of “revolution.” To quote: All agitations fostered by a special class in order that its particular interests be bene fited, do not deserve the name [of revolution]. Conversely, Mabini main tained that genuine revolu tions were essentially popular movements. Here, his demo cratic temperament is evi dent. Consequently, a pro blem that presented itself was how social power could be organized such that the most numerous class, that is, the poor, would not be taken advantage of by special groups in society. However, it is in vain that we look for a radical economic program by Mabini! It was Mabini’s basic de mocratic temper that also led him to consider the revolu tion against the Uhited States unjustified the moment the majority of the people desired peace. And he justi fied this action of the people by appealing to the law of self-preservation which dic tated prudence in pursuing the revolutionary movement the moment superior forces not only threatened addi tional misery and desolation but actually endangered tHe very life of society itseff Thus, Mabini counselled that the violent and coercive means to attain independence should be transformed into peaceful agitatioi^ This was still, in any case, a manifes tation of the impulse for pro gress. Yet Mabini feared that the revolutionary fervor might decline with piece meal political concessions granted by the Americans. Consequently, he insisted that the revolution, as armed uprising, was simply a tech September 1962 7 nique to bring about the re cognition of individual rights and also independence as the prerequisite to an expansive life and ordered society. And as long as independence was .. possible by peaceful means, all energies ought to be utilized to attain it by such means. Once devoid of political power to pursue his ideas, Mabini contented him self with reminding his com patriots of the ideals of the Revolution and invited them to search into their hearts to discover if it were not really independence that they -wanted. Mabini was a supreme ex ample of a man willing to sacrifice sacrifice personal in terest for what he conceived to be the general interest of all. Emancipating * himself from the narrow * interests that plague an ordinary man, he was able to exercise, to use Rousseau’s term, the gen eral will, a will not neces sarily that of the people, but a will for the good of all the people. Mabini’s legacy is for all patriots and free men. THOSE THREE BIG WORDS * It is quite true, of course, that liberty, equality and fraternity are more frequently upon the lips of men who are bent on destroying them, the true believers keeping tfiem more silently at heart. But the lip service and the betrayals exist because some men are exploiters and others are exploited, because the groups are in conflict, and because the conflict can be resolved only by the end of exploitation itself. But the end of exploitation would be the beginning of actual brotherhood, the end of unequal- powers would be the beginning of equality, and the end of extreme privi lege for a few would be the beginning of genuine liberty for all. 8 Panorama

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