The social effects of radios on barrio life

Title

Creator

Coller, Richard

Identifier

New tool for ideas

Language

English

Source

Panorama Volume XIII (No.7) July 1961

Year

1961

Rights

In Copyright - Educational Use Permitted

Fulltext

New Tool for Ideas Sodol o( OK Jjfc, Richard CoIler The notion that “Communi cation is the essence of socie ty” furnished the basis for this study. Since community life fundamental consists of a group of people who have frequent- communication among themselves, many lea ders of rural improvement ef forts have maintained that an increase of communication would greatly assist in rural development programs. This represents an attempt to iden tify and clarify the specific social effects of donated ra dios, a newly-introduced ins truments for the transmission of ideas. Most innovations are usual ly first discussed as news items in these rural commu nities — oftentimes even be fore the innovation itself has appeared on the scene. The inauguration of a program for donating transistor radios to isolated settlements in the ru ral Philippines presented an opportuntiy for controlled re search on this topic. The com munication networks of selec ted villages were studied both before and after the place ment of the radios. In this sense it constitutes a compa rative study of the sources, modes of transmission, and re actions to news and other ma terials that were broadcasted. The findings of this study furnished estimates of the im pact which various types of programs had on different groups within these rural set tlements. These data, plus an effort to assay the role of the radio in community change, render this report most per tinent to current community development enterprises. This study is- concerned with the social impact of tran sistor radios donated to isola ted rural Philippine villages (barrios). A national program for such radio distribution was begun in August, 1959 by 82 Panorama the Cooperative for American Relief Everywhere (CARE). This agency distributed ap proximately 1,600 of such ra dio sets during the years of 1959 and 1960. This program offered an op portunity to make a “beforeand-after” type of study by examining social life in selec ted barrios both prior and subsequent to the radio dona tions. Specific points of inte rest were changes in world view operations of the com munications network, social organization, attitudes, and so cial perception. The social processes involved in these areas of life were also con sidered. The interviewers lived in these settlements both before and after the radios arrived. Thus the method of data col lection involved a standard interview plus participant ob servation. This was augmen ted by information obtained in the municipal center (poblocion). All of the barrios stu died were in either Batanga * or Laguna provinces. All bar rio surveys met the general requirements of being rela tively isolated and having no electric power, their differen ces in exposure to commerce, social change, and diversity in land tenure patterns are marked. The crops and farm ing practices also varied con siderably. This variation is be neficial in that the general findings which are common to all five barrios thus have a wider range of applicability. The general characteristics of the respondents were no ted as part of the overall back-ground information. On ly about one-third of the in terviewees were still residing in the community of birth, but nearly all were still with in the same district. Physical movement is thus frequent, but quite limited in range. Most of the respondents hadonly a bare minimum of lite racy. World-of-mouth com munication was accordingly most important.. About fourfifths were farmers^ However, most farmers supplemented farm income with other work. Expressions of approval and disapproval registered on a check-list showed that status aspirations and economic mo tives were most commonly ac cepted as valid reasons for shifting residence. City life was seen as festive but un friendly, and providing both status and economic opportu nities but greater dangers. The dangers were perceived as outgrowths of less perso nal social controls in the city, s o that people became “shameless.” The barrio resi dents thus had only a partial knowledge but considerable July 1961 83 distrust of urban society. Suc cess was defined in terms of status improvement plus eco nomic gains. Good fortune was the most common expla nation for one’s “success.” Communication was largely verbal, with important peo ple serving as prime news sources. These people inclu ded the barrio lieutenants, landlords, teachers, shopkeep ers, and recent arrivals from larger communities. Newspa pers and magazines were used by these key people, but rare ly by others. The role of the cinema was insignificant for most. Women generally seem ed to be more active in both reading and relating news to others. Prior Radio Experience Most of the respondents had heard radios elsewhere and did have some idea about types of programs. Usually, those who travelled most al so heard radios most and knew the news best. These prior contacts with radios were found to be mainly ones of hearing music or songs. The radio was thus largely perceived as an instrument of entertainment Listening to radios for news seemed to be most characteristic of older males of a better-than-average income who traveled fre quently. Queries concerning program preferences gave highest ra tings to music and news. Men tended to favor news more of ten than women. A threefifths-majority believed that the radio tells the truth at all times. The focus on enter tainment again appeared in responses about what advan tages the radio might bring to the home. Yet, in consider* DEVIL Some wasps built their nests during the week in a Scoth clergyman’s best breeches. On the Sa bbath as he warmed up to his preaching, the wasps, too, warmed up, with the result that pre sently the minister was leaping about like a jack in the box, and slapping his lower anatomy with great vigor, to the amazement of the congrega tion. “Be calm, brethren,” he shouted. “The word of God is in my mouth, but the De’il’s in my bree ches!” 84 Panorama * * ing the barrio as a whole, news was thought to be the greatest advantages In a more diffuse * sense, the radio was apparently regard ed as an important status symbol. It also seemed to be anticipated as being analo gous to a pleasant and enter taining companion. Consequences of the Radio First of all, the radio was seen as a gift from benevol ent upper-class people to re cipients of a lower stratum. Thus it harmonized well with the barrio mores. Moreover, since the radio arrived through governmental chan nels and was assigned to the barrio lieutenant, people ten ded to place a political inter pretation upon the donation. Thus, the radio conveyed con notations, of prestige and so cial influence which have had their greatest effects on the barrio lieutenant and his rela tionships with the other vill agers. Radio listening had a dif ferential impact upon the va rious age, sex, and occupation al groupings. Generally speak ing, females listened" to the radio the most, particularly young maidens and adult wo men. Storekeepers listen more than farmers, and most men can only listen to a signifi cant degree early in the morn ing and between the evening hours of eight and ten o’clock. The role of women in the communications- network has thus been enhanced, with as yet unapparent effects on the overall social system of the village. The role of the radio in the communications network of these communities has been shaped by the nature of bar rio social patterns. Most vil lagers still rely upon the di rect, face-to-face contact with their associates as a medium of significant communication. The pattern of direct, purpose ful radio listening for infor mational materials seems to be characteristic of only a small minority who play the role of key communicators in the barrio. The radios were anticipated and reacted to primarily as entertainment devices. How ever, prior to the arrival of the radios, this entertainment function was seen in terms of music. After the radios were placed, the concept of enter tainment shifted to such “hu man interest” programs as drama, accounts of personal problems and debates in verse (balagtasan). The growth of such a deep and widespread interest in these programs is consonant with the persona listic focus of barrio life. Another aspect of the en tertainment function of the July 1961 radio has been to furnish a background for social gather ings and companionship of a sort for those who feel lone lyThe sensationalistic presen tations of news have often led to a heightened aware ness of rural-urban differen ces. Barrio people can now enlarge their previous appre hensions concerning city life via crime reports, tales of city family problems, traffic acci dents; and other disasters Radio advertising has al ready begun to take effect, although rural incomes and living patterns limit its im pact. The semi-public character of nearly all radio listening situations provides many dis tractions and so reduces atten tion and comprehension. This situation is heightened by the fact that many programs are urban-oriented and so convey relatively less to rural resi dents. On the whole then, the radio’s effects have been, (firs^ to- increase an awareness of what the rural people view as important rural-urban differ ences. Secondly, is the situa tion of an enjoyment of ’’hu man interest” materials as a source of patterns of conduct, advice, and storytelling be sides. entertainment. Then, third, is the attention given by certain individuals to news and advertising who later communicate selected items to their associates. The amount of such effective listening and communication still re mains problematical, how ever. Social Change Implications It is possible to offer certain ideas gained from the expe riences in this research that may be of value in attempts to utilize the radio as an ins trument for furthering social change. These are offered most tentatively. Only a good deal of trial-and-error and ex perimentation provide really definitive answers. It would appear that the following factors should be taken into account. 1. The radio is seen in the barrio as a mark of status and a medium of entertainment. It makes people “happy and contented.” 2. There is a heavy empha sis in the Philippine culture on giving advice. The radio is valued for the advice it gives, but the advice is limi ted. It is not a matter of howto-do-it, but a matter of how others solve their problems. Much of this advice is disre garded, moreover, because it concerns unfamiliar situations or runs counter to rural tra ditions. 86 Panorama 3. Barrio people pay a good deal of attention to dramas. However, there is no basis yet to conclude that they would see the characters in a dra ma as people to imitate. This is a matter which needs more attention. There is no reason to expect that they" will imi tate any or all of the central figures in a drama. 4. One cannot be sure that barrio people are listening very carefully to a program. It is evident that the radio oftentimes merely provides a reassuring background noise. On occasion they do listen in tently but may not compre hend what they hear. Yet the people do not readily admit that they do not understand. Any program research should be accomplished by careful at tention to and assessment of comprehension. 5. Many subtleties of diff erences in languages between city and rural areas must be taken into account. The villa ger can detect a city person by his speech. If one wished to broadcast a program direc ted toward barrio residents, it may well be that rural in tonation would be necessary. It is strongly hinted that a city person who fails to cope with this speech difference will be perceived as a nonrural “outsider.” Similarly, barrio folkways are different. A city script writer is likely to be quite removed from bar rio patterns. It has happened that Tagalog literature pre pared by city writers for ru ral people is incomprehensi ble to the villagers. 6. The barrio people are most interested in news of provincial and poblacion af fairs. Such programs do not exist. The rural folk therefore rely upon the barrio lieutenant for such information. To provide this news directly by radio over local stations might have both good and bad ef fects. It may possibly enchance the diffusion of more accurate and timely informa tion but it may also under mine the traditional authori ty of the barrio lieutenant. 7. Although the barrio lieu tenant is definitely the most important person in the com munication network, his role as innovator seems much less decisive. The molding of pub lic opinion and the induction of village improvements ap pear to be two separate and rather unrelated activities in these barrios. The communi cation of new ideas directly to the people will thus have uncertain effects on the for mal role of the barrio lieute nant, but leaves the basic problems of leadership for change untouched. The find ings of other studies point to JULY 1961 87 small sub-groupings within the barrio headed by neigh borhood or “situational” lea ders as basic units for the in troduction and acceptance of change. 8. The motives to which one can appeal for acceptance of desired changes are not yet ap parent. Certainly • the motive for increased profits may not be very operative. Considera tions of prestige and status are important. Community pride is at a low level while family pride is high. Keeping up with the Cruzes is a corn * monly expressed motive. How ever, it is not immediately ap parent how this incentive could be utilized. 9. The role of music is not clear. Tagalog songs are used at fiestas, serenades and wed dings. Members of the young er generation who want to appear “modern” sing popular songs in English. There are considerations which lead one to support the utilization of both kinds of music. It sim ply is not clear which kind, if either, would facilitate so cial change. 10. The balagtasan or de bate in verse is very popular. The barrio people have great respect for well polished rhe toric. A rehearsal of reasons for acceptance of certain in novation such as wells or fruit trees would possibly raise considerable discussion. But whether action would follow remains to be discovered. Dis course has many functions other than purveying facts. Actually, most facts are now conveyed in an informal per son-to-person manner. The villagers have simply not yet learned to look beyond the barrio lieutenant and gossip (tAismis) for information. CURIOUS FACTS ... (Continued from page 30) 160,000 miles of cable strung through the building. The Pentagon, even if off the beaten tourist track, is well worth a visit. The con course, with its shops, is a veritable main street. The courtyard at this time of year is festooned with azaleas, wild crab apple blooms, and dogwood. There is an art collection in the mail corridor. Just ask for a map at one of the in formation desks and find your own way around, or if you are traveling in a group, ask for an especially conducted tour. ¥ ¥ ¥ 88 Panorama

pages

82+

Media