Eugene A. Gilmore: acting Philippine governor

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Part of The American Chamber of Commerce Journal

Title: Eugene A. Gilmore: acting Philippine governor
Language: English
Source: The American Chamber of Commerce Journal Volume 7 (Issue No.9) September 1927
Year: 1927
Rights
Fulltext: Eugene A. Gilmore: Acting Philippine Governor Many men would like to be named governor general of the Philip pines. The place is open, the candidates arous ed, their friends impor tunate. Meantime, how ever, we have a gov ernor general in our Act ing Governor, Eugene A. Gilmore, continuing the policy of the admin istration. That policy in its broad outlines was the clarification of Eugene A. Gilmore the organic act. It res tored the legal author ity of the governor general. Upon this ground stands Gilmore. Some suspect him of weakness of spirit, which has not yet appeared. Did his message to the Legislature show weakness? Rather it showed a full and powerful grasp of the public situation. Did the budget display weakness? It was the height of wisdom to base appropriations upon average revenues over a period of ten years instead of taking narrower and more optimum periods as a basis—palpably false and unstable. And what about Gilmore’s appointment of a committee to probe the interisland shipping situation? Was it not wise and timely? Was it not well received, in quarters where its recep tion counts? Do we not stand to have improve ments effected? Another outstanding incident was the Tan Malaka case. Observe how Gilmore proceeded. He had, of course, summary power to deport the man. But it would have been a grandstand play to exercise this power, for there was power enough elsewhere. Tan Malaka was deported by the customs authorities because he had il legally entered the Philippines under a false name and without a passport. Not only the law, but the utmost de gree of the law was ob served. We know, therefore, already, how Gilmore will proceed. He will proceed according to law. Who would ask more? Are we not all in one political community? And if he sets the example of meticulous regard for the law, is it not reason able to surmise that others will be held to like standards? In short, is America here for a day, or is she here indefinitely, establishing a commu nity of law-governed citizens? It was said on August 27 that Gilmore, though a candidate for the governorship, had no plat form. This is what has been led up to; for the Journal is unable to learn that he is more than a receptive candidate, and he is certainly a logical candidate to continue an administration in which for five years as vice governor and secre tary of public instruction he had a paramount part. Ten days before it was said he had no platform, he had issued a statement to the United Press. It is here reproduced from the daily press. It will certainly stand a second reading by any one. Immediately upon reading it. Captain H L. Heath, President of the Cham ber of Commerce—and who will accuse him of timidity?—punched out an interview in which he endorsed the statement as the best ever made by any governor of these islands. It is pretty near that, if not quite; and if it isn’t a platform, then the Journal doesn’t know one when it sees it. Here it is: “The Public Press is one of the most potent agencies in creating and directing public interest in any particular subject. What the commu nity thinks and talks about is largely determined by what appears in the newsand editorial columns of the Press. The Press, by selection and em phasis of news items and by editorials, can bring certain subjects to the attention of the people and stimulate interest in them. “The first thing, therefore, that the Press can do to create an atmosphere favorable to economic and business development is to adopt the policy of giving this subject special emphasis in the news items and frequent and extended treatment in editorials. “At present too much attention is given to government and politics and too little to econom ics and business. As the poet said, ‘The world is too much with us, early and soon'; likewise, government is too much with us, early and soon. The government is looked to as the source of wealth and opportunity, as the agency for the solution of all the problems of the community. There is too much paternalism and not enough individualism. The people should be led to think of something besides government and politics. Important as these may be, they do not constitute the chief end of community life. Government does not produce anything; it is the result of something else; it can rise no higher nor be more wealthy nor more’efficient jthan the individuals composing it. The resources* of government and its efficiency must come from the people back of government. What is needed is more dependence upon self and less dependence upon government. There should be more people with an economic base outside of and independent of government. “Too many people are looking to government as the source of support. The principal function of government, however, is to preserve order, protect life and property, and to create favorable conditions, available alike to all, in which trade and commerce can thrive, and then let the indi vidual, by his own merit, industry and applica tion, devote his energies to his own develop ment. “At the foundation of every successful gov ernment there must be economically capable and efficient individuals. There should, therefore, be emphasis on the importance of individual thrift and development. The cost of govern ment is already laying a heavy toll upon the products of individual enterprise. Until there is a greater economic and business develop ment, in which the mass of the people parti cipate, the exactions of government can not be largely increased. Until each individual is able to earn more money he can not be expected to contribute more to the government. Gov ernment expenses, measured in terms of daily labor and the value of the principal crops, show that before government activities can be increased the sources of government revenue must be increased. “To bring this thought home graphically, the following figures, approximately correct, are worthy of contemplation: Almost 10 centavos out of every peso an individual earns goes to the government. A little more than one-half the entire value of the annual rice crop goes to government employees in the form of salaries and wages. The total annual expenditures for government, both Insular and local, are more than 137 million pesos. This represents almost the total value of the entire annual crop of abaca, sugar and maguey. In other words, all that the individuals engaged in culti vating these three important crops can produce goes to defray the cost of government. The annual cost of the Insular Government alone equals the total annual export value of coconut oil, copra, copra meal and other coconut prod ucts. Likewise, all that is derived from the export of embroideries, hats, cigars and sugar is about equal to the amount which is spent annually by the Insular Government. “The total government expenditures represent the income of 1,832,677 persons on the basis Fordsorv THE UNIVERSAL TRACTOR Turning Loss to Protit Ford Trucks and Fordson Tractors are everywhere noted for their ability to change the tide from loss to profit. They are low in cost, dependable, extremely economical to operate and stand up against years of hard and continuous service. "After we Sell we Serve’’ Manila Trading & Supply Co. Main Office -MANILA Iloilo Cebu - Bacolod Legaspi THE UNIVERSAL CAR IN RESPONDING TO ADVERTISEMENTS PLEASE MENTION THE AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE JOURNAL 6 THE AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE JOURNAL September, 1927 of an average per capita income of P75.16. It requires 573,833 men working 300 days each year, at the rate of 80 centavos per day, to earn the money needed for the operation of the govern ment. “Another way in which the Press can assist in creating a favorable atmosphere for business development is to preach the doctrine of toler ance, mutual confidence and good will. No community can develop its business in an at mosphere of discord and suspicion. Trade and business are founded on good will and fair dealing. The Philippine Islands possess great resources. The opportunities for business are great. Common participation in the enjoy ment of these opportunities will improve the Gilmorc at Work at the Executive Building welfare of everyone and prejudice no one. Amer icans and Filipinos should realize that in the material prosperity of these Islands, there is mutual advantage, and that this advantage can be realized only by mutual cooperation. There should be more consideration given to those interests which Americans and Filipinos have in common and less to those which they have apart. “The Press will serve best if it emphasizes at all times the common interests rather than the diverse interests; if it stresses harmony rather than discord, confidence and good will rather than suspicion and prejudice.” Since this was issued Governor Gilmore has himself taken effective steps to have it complied with in so far as the press is concerned. He has adopted the rule of seeing the reporters but once each week, no oftener than the President does; and surely insular news is no more vital than Washington news. He will see morning news men one day a week, and evening news men on another day. The Journal is inclined to suspect that it is precisely because Gilmore Sinclair Lewis and the Vienna Summer Revolution Into Vienna at last at 1 in the morning—and never have I sden a more quiet, spacious, un revolutionary city. Oh, yes, they had killed a few people that day while we were flying, but not even the volatile Viennese can revolutionize twenty-four hours a day. And about us Vienna slept and dreamed of cakes and whipped cream while we whirled up to the hotel—and our old friend, the night porter at Sacher, greeted us as though he had never heard of a revolution. I am going back to the life of the wild, en chanted, romantic novelist again and cut out these humdrum newspaper men. * * * It all seemed like a courteous and gentlemanly revolution until that scene at Central cemetery, where they buried the dead. A mass burial for men and women who died in a mass movement. A string of sixty coffins, hidden under flowers. The flowers were the true Vienna of light hearts and waltz tunes. They were bright, like these sunshiny days which have followed does have a policy and is carrying it out, that some are displeased with him. Others are in a better category. They have honest misgivings which do them credit. But the press rule will surely redound to the benefit of the press and the public alike. The columns must be filled, and news will prove to be superior to thoughtless political gossip. On August 26 the regents of the University elected Dr. Gonzalez acting dean of the college of agriculture, vice Dean Baker, deceased. Headlines the next morning shouted, almost glee fully, Gilmore Loses! The regents’ vote was 6-3, Bewley and Pond were absent. Now it is no doubt true that Gilmore did have a personal choice for the deanship, in Dr. Pendle ton. He is not only qualified, but there was keen rivalry between Gonzalez and Dr. Roxas, which argued, for' the welfare of the college, the selection of a third man. This was no doubt Gilmore’s advice, which was not followed. The advice, however, was confined to proper limits. The regents were free to choose a dean; the University is a republic of letters, enjoying a charter; and the legitimate steps a governor could take were only those of counsel. It was misleading to say that Gilmore lost, there was but one nomination. Gilmore followed the law, and while he did not hesitate to counsel, still the onus of the choice rests upon the regents who made it. If things turn out badly, the public knows exactly whom to blame: those who exercised their right of choice and used bad judgment. If they turn out all right, the regents have a feather in their cap: no victory over Gilmore, who wasn’t in the lists, but victory for their judgment. Confidence in Gilmore is quite general now. Nothing has occurred since he assumed the duties of acting governor to inspire any other opinion. the quickly ended revolt, but under them were the coffins. And in these were bodies of children and young girls. As my companion and I shot along the Rennweg—the ancient road in Vienna where two hundred years ago gay nobles of ancient Vienna raced horses, not noticing the silly peasants who got under their hoofs—we found ourselves in the midst of a newly formed citizen’s guard in awlcward, shambling uniforms of ill-dyed green buckram. There weren’t more than 2,000 people stand ing there at the funeral ceremony. The city was afraid of the bullets of the communists and of the police. Only the lowly realized that on the long plat form before the gates, concealed under the splendor of flowers, red banners and black streamers, were no less than sixty coffins. From three torches wavered the dim flames of gas, burning not to unknown soldiers but to unknown citizens shot by police. The crowd was firm in Viennese traditional politeness and seemed no more emotional than a bored group about a Fourth of July orator. Then one saw that most of them were in mourning. But it was the pathetic mourning of the very poor—ragged arm bands made from black petticoats and pathetic black hats of the cheapest. And when the citizens’ guard made way for a woman who walked blindly with her head buried on the shoulder of her son one saw that the quietness of this crowd was the quietness of a wire leading to Sing Sing death house. And then the speakers started. Two thousand broken-hearted persons were standing for this last glimpse of the coffins and Austria’s orators -got up and oozed words. Such learned words! Such measured, useful and reasonable words! And they were generous. They permitted not only the social democrats but the communists also to speak. Words uttered by bearded and clever men—the whole proceeding like a nice debating society. Explanations that they really were quite sorry that people had been killed but that it could never happen again. And the well-bred crowd in their agony listened consider ably more politely than certain American cor respondents. When the coffins were carried off the crowd didn’t sob. Curiously, it only swayed a little. I stood there with three American newspaper men, very hard-boiled ones, indeed, and I saw that all three were crying shamelessly. I saw them, that is, after I had wiped away my own ludicrously sentimental tears. In the midst of all this came inevitable comedy. Among red-eyed women following the baby’s coffin came an eager youngster. A red guard held him back. They had exactly as lively a jaw contest as any Irish policeman and Irish street cleaner ever had at a Yom Kippur parade. The crowd split suddenly. Until then I hadn’t seen the half-dozen stretcher bearers waiting there, somber men with the blessed red cross on their arms. I followed them as they kicked their way through the crowd and saw them head off and place on a stretcher a screaming woman who hid her eyes behind an upflung arm. This was only the first of six occasions when I saw the stretcher men working. Once it was a big man who had fainted and was carried away. Once it was a youth of fine features and clear eyes, standing beside one of the glittering coffins, who, after a moment when his face worked in grief, went literally mad. Once as I was briskly following a stretcher away, a man standing alone, sobbing, seized my hand and said: “He was my brother. Are you alone, too?” Then, seeing suddenly that I was a foreigner, he explained: “Thanks for your handclasp. I had no one but him. He didn’t have anything to do with the riots. He was shot while bringing me a Mozart score last Friday evening which we were going to play together in duet.” I don’t know why that crowd should have been most gripped by sorrow when the coffins were taken away—not to the quiet fields of a cemetery, with those cursed sparrows always so cheerful everywhere, but to a crematorium, where in half an hour all these victims of love of life would crumble in flame. Then we started home. And on the way my guide showed me the charming new brick houses which the socialists have been building to make Vienna laugh again.—Chicago Daily News. JOLO DEER PRESERVE Mrs. Caroline S. Spencer has applied for a lease of the land comprising the top of Bagsak mountain. This is the historic battle ground where General Pershing fought several thou sand rebel Moros in 1913. However, Mrs. Spencer’s purpose in leasing this tract of land has no connection with its historical appeal, nor does she expect to cultivate it, but it is her desire to control this section of territory in order to give protection to the beautiful Jolo deer and save them from extinction. Unless some re servation like this is provided, the famous fallow deer will soon be of the past owing to the present rate of hunting.—Mindanao Herald.
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