Student and state in imperial Japan

Title

Language

English

Year

1939

Subject

Education - Japan

Rights

In Copyright - Educational Use Permitted

Fulltext

^Handling Japanese student power— STUDENT AND STATE In Japan, as yet, little empha sis is placed on higher education for women. But for men who are capable the demand is in creasing so rapidly that there are not enough institutions to go around. For this reason, stu dents are constantly faced with severe competitive examinations. Education is compulsory through six years of primary school. To continue in the mid dle school, the student takes an entrance examination. If he succeeds he is among the fortu nate few. Often from more than 2,000 applicants only 150 are picked. This process is repeated in the higher schools and again in the university. The obvious result is that only the cream of the nation’s youth ever get near the door of a college. Democracy of a type is dem onstrated here. There is no favoritism. Wealth and fam ily prestige mean nothing. Merit is the only basis for entrance. As in most states with totali tarian aims, all phases of edu cation are directly under gov ernment control. The govern ment wants men of high attain ment who have demonstrated their ability to obey orders. There is no place for original 4 IN IMPERIAL JAPAN thinking and academic freedom. The curriculum is carefully in spected. Textbooks must be se lected from an approved list. The social sciences are particu larly under government scru tiny. History is taught from only patriotic angles. Universities have long been recognized centers of unrest and the breeding ground for what the government styles “danger ous thoughts.“ Socialism and communism have found ready acceptance among a certain class of students. To cope with these problems the government has adopted methods of censorship and patriotic propaganda. Several years ago two of my students were arrested for com munistic agitation. The faculty was put on the spot, and to exonerate ourselves we had to submit all our examination questions to the school authori ties, who passed them on to the Minister of Education in Tokyo for further inspection. The day after the arrests were made, some 15 military officers politely asked if they might attend my lecture. They stood at atten tion for one hour, understand ing little, for the lecture was in English. Panorama This miniature army was in my classroom to impress all of us that the government would tolerate no more radical thought from either student or teacher. Of course, beneath all this pomp and circumstance a secret inves tigation was being conducted. After two weeks of hushed ac tivity it was discovered that these wicked thoughts were leak ing into the university through the kitchen. The cook turned out to be the culprit. This might not have been discovered if the cook had not become overambitious and shot the vicepresident of the university in the leg to impress upon him the in justice of the arrest of the two students. Despite this rigid supervision, the student wields power that is greatly feared. In his strikes and mob demonstrations he is able to bring before the public gaze certain issues, grievances, and radical ideas. By boycot ting the classes of an unpopu lar instructor, or threatening a strike, the students may bring so much pressure to bear on the authorities that they are forced to replace the professor. At Waseda University, not long ago, a strike was precipitated by the charge that several teachers were dishonestly issuing passes to the baseball games. The greatest strike in aca demic history broke out in 1933. It was precipitated by the dismissal of Doctor Taki kawa, professor of politics in the Imperial Law School, for political unorthodoxy. The stu dents demanded his reinstate ment, and went on strike when the Minister of Education re mained adamant. A few days later 6,000 students in the Tok yo Imperial University, 400 miles away, staged a sympa thetic strike. A series of inci dents precipitated pitched battles between the students and the police. Many students were arrested. The strike was giv en wide publicity. At length, when public opinion began to side definitely with the stu dents, a strict censorship was clamped on the press, and the students were ordered to resume their work in the name of the Emperor. The united force of throne and government was be hind the ultimatum. Rebellion against the Emperor was farther than even the hottest heads would go. School was resumed. Professor Takikawa was out and his career ruined. This incident showed the government that it must tighten its hold on the Empire's youth. The result has been greater re strictions and an increase of na tional propaganda. Within the recent year the latter has cen tered around religion. A vigor ous campaign is being waged to call the students back to the February. 1939 5 worship and exaltation of their heroic ancestors, who lived only for national honor and glory. As a part of this religious re vival the Emperor has been granting his portrait to private and Christian institutions which do not come directly under gov ernment supervision. This seems innocent enough, but the gra cious grant carries with it cer tain commands. The picture must be housed in a speciallybuilt vault-like shrine, and a 24-hour watch maintained over it so that in case of fire or earth quake the picture can be saved. On special occasions the picture is placed behind heavy curtains in the school auditorium and students and faculty must bow in worship and reverent adora tion to the omniscient spirit of the God-Emperor. In Japanese Christian circles there is an uneasy feeling that, following the bringing of Chris tian schools within the scope of the national religion via the picture method, individual churches may come next. There is no way to reject the gift of the Emperor's portrait. To do so would only mean arrest on a charge of lese majesty. The true patriot must accept the Emperor as the supreme ob ject of his devotion and be ready to fight and die for him. Any philosophy, religion, or school that does not emphasize this fundamental concept is not wanted in the Japanese Empire. And so the graduates who pour out of the universities to day are highly trained instru ments of national policy— young men who believe in Ja pan's manifest destiny, who are rallying under the slogan: “The flag of great Japan will wave above all the world." The few who rebel quickly disappear. There must be but one deity, the Emperor; one authority, the government; and one des tiny, world domination—PaulE. Eckel, in Education. 6 Panorama

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