The Manila Guardian

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Part of The Manila Guardian

Title: The Manila Guardian
Issue Date: Volume XII (Issue No. 5) March 1950
Year: 1950
Language: English
Rights
extracted text: MARCH, 1950 VOL. XII No. 5 INDEPENDENT FILIPINO MONTHLY MAGAZINE FOUNDED IN 1937 • THE PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION By Chief Justice M. V. Moran THE PHILIPPINES: Show Window Of Democracy By Ambassador M_. C. Cowen THE CASE OF CAPT. JUNSA Y By Rep. A. H. Lacson THE FIGHT FOR BENEFITS DANIEL F. CLEARY Chairman, Wor Claims ( ('lnlmiu ion (Su Por1r JO\ Cvmjilimo1h of DESTILERIA LIM TUACO & Co., Inc. l\lAXUFAC'l'URERS of FOUR FEATHEHS WIXES & LIQUORS Established Since 1852 WHISKY - DRY GIN - Rl1l\I - A~ISAl>O ::\IA.LLORCA - SIOK-HOC-TONG Products of a Century Old Distillery Distillery Xo. 1 Distlllery Xo. 113-117 Julian Teodoro 64 Gonzaga Street Grace Park, Caloocan Tu_gucgarao, Cagayan ::\IANILA OFFICE 201-203 Juan Luna St. Manila, Tel. 2-94-71 COMPLIMENTS TO THE PHILIPPINE EX-POLITICAL PRISONERS ASSOCIATION PRO~! Menzi & Co., ' 1nc. j. rn. menzi bldg. • reina rcgcntc, co1-. soler tel. 2-79-29 exp01tcrs • importers paper dealers t•hili,,-0111 =============' For SAFE, ECONOMICAL, COMFORTABLE and DEPENDABLE TRANSPORTATION, it is the MANILA RAILROAD COMPANY Fo1· yolll· Transportation Problems Consult the Traffic Department Tel. 2-78-02 ELIZALDE & UO., INC. MUELLE DE LA ll\DUSTHIA, i\JA"11L.\ March, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Independent ;\lonthly l\.1'agazine Founded in 193i F. BEN BRILLANTES Publisher MOISES T. GUERRERO Editor SAMUEL RODRIGUEZ Managing Editor MILAGROS A. ROMULO Business Manager & Secretary~Tren.surer Editorials HELEN PERIQUET Adve1tising Manager KAI 0. PETERSEN Circulation Manager Table of Contents The Philippine Constitution lly Manuel V. Moran The Philippinea: Show Window of Democracy By Myron C. Cowen The Case of Capt. Junsay by Arscnio H. Lacson Report on the Fight for Benefits The Voice of Liberty lw Gcuci·al Carlos I'. Romulu Elias and Salome by A. F. Paredc:-.: fhe Fifth Power Ly Ludwig· S. Adam.'> "The Ramparts We Watch" hy P. B. FABROS THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page IO 18 1 ~) EDITORIALS THE CASE OF FILIPINO INTERNEES From Washington comes the heartening news that the War Claims Commission has already taken steps to implement the provisions of Section 8 of the War Claims Act of 1948 directing that body to "inquire into and report to the President, for submission of such report to the Congress on or before March 31, 1949 (extended to March 31. 1950), with respect to war claims arising out of World War 11, other than claims which may be received and adjudicated under the preceeding sections of this Act." The case of Filipino civilian internees, who are excluded from the benefits provided for in the act, is very simple. In plain terms it is this: The ArnericaJt government, as a gesture of justice to its citizens. who for reasons of their own or for the inability of their government to evacuate them, fell into the. hand~ of the enemy and held prisoners for the duration, has decided to grant these citizens monetary benefits from former ertPmV assets now in the possession of the U.S. government. Filipino civilians who found themselves in the same prison camps or in Japanese torture chambers for no other reason than that they upheld American principles of demo· cracy at the darkest hours of the war, should also be given the same compensation from former enemy prooerty located in the Philippines. These Filipino civilians could have avoided interninent, torture and even death. But they chose these rather than betray a cause for which they pledged to fight to the bitter end. The Philippine Ex-Political Prisoners Association which is carrying on the drive for Filipino internees is fully con·· vinced that justice will be accorded to those who were Americans in their ideals and principles during the war but foreigners within the purview of the War Claims Act. It has faith in the War Claims Commission, in Congress, in the Pres· ident and in the American people Whose sense of justice is regarded as a byword in international relations. THE LIIlERA TION OF MANILA Five years ago last month Manila woke up from its nightmare of occupation into a day of freedom. It was the fulfilment of MacArthur's promise to reh1rn, a promise which had been the shibboleth of thousands and thousands of underground fighters. The story of the liberation of Manila will be told over and over again throughout the years to come as an epic of American military endeavor. With it will also go the story of brave Filipino guerrilla leaders who paved the way for the event. 'J'IH; :O.IAl'\ILA GliARDIAN Id l'UllLISHED IN 'l'HE CITY 01'" ;'IJ.\NILA. l'IHl.!1'1'INES \\Tl'll EDl'J'OIU.\L AND l\USINESS CH'flCES AT lwoc.: ,jQJ S.\:\l.\NILLO 111.nc., J.:SCOLT.\. F. IlEN BIULLANTES. l'UIH,ISJJJm: i\IOISl•:s T. GUEim1mo, 1':JHTOH: :'ltIL.\GHOS .\. HOJ\IUJ.0, HUSINESS :'llANAGN!t: 111':1.EN l'EIUQUET. ADVERTISING J\IAN.\GER: JC\l Cl. PE·n:RSEN cmcULA· TION ~IANAGEH. :'IL\C.\IUO SOl\IEH.\. :'ITANAGJ•;It, WASHINGTON llUIU:AU. (;(•.; B.\lrn llLIJG., 11-ASHlNGTON, D.C., JOSE B. U.\1.LJ·;STEROS, :'llANAGEJt, UONOUJl,U HUJU:.\U, HONOLULU. IIA\\".\ll. ENTElO-:U AS SECOND CLASS :il!ATTER AT THE MANILA l'OS'f tli"FIC'E ON NOVE:\IBEH 11. 1~1-1'!. ~lTHSCIUI"l'ION MUST HF. l'AID 1:--.1 .\DV.\Nl'f-: .\Nl:O .\DDHESSEIJ fl!RF.C'TLY ·ro TllF PllhLSllFJ: noo A YF.AR t'2.:;o SIX i\ION'l'H::: FORf.:ICN, DOUTILF. 'fHF. f.Q('_\L R,\TF:S POSTAGE INCLUDF.D Page 4 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 I THE PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION ( By MANUEL V. MORAN Chief Justice, Supreme Court The Philippine Lawyers' Association deserves sincere commendation for having sponsored the idea of a reunion for members of the Bar on Constitution Day, which is celebrated throughout the country to emphasize the importance and significance of the Constitution and to dwell upon its influence on our individual Jive~ and the nation· al fortunes. . Frankly, I could not find it in me to decline the invitation to address this gathering of members of our craft because, considering it the civic duty of every Filipino to cherish the Constitution as the fundamental law of the land, I deem it a sacred obligation .:mccially of the Bench and of the Bar to pay public homage to it and willingly to contribute to that stream of thought and information on Constitutionalism that, fertilizing the fields of freedom and justice, makes for the happiness and prosperity of a people pursuing its destiny under a regime of democracy, liberty and sound government. In these years when despotic rulers have arisen in nation after nation to challenge the principles of republican government, when the hordes of lawlessness and rebellion are rampant, when peace and order is seriously threatened, it behooves those who believe and thrive in orderly procedure and con:;titutional safeguards to study the development and application of those basic principles that are the foundations of true liberty and democracy so that, knowing them, they shall all the more appreciate the blessings of a constitutional regime, and dedicate their efforts to the preservation and dissemination the1eof, for, in the matter of rights as in the matter of news, a well-informed public is the greatest security of the nation. This reminds me that this occasion could be availed of formally to bid those recalcitrant elements in the field to return to the fold of normalcy with the assurance that their safety and well-being are amply guaranteed by the provisions of the Constitution within the frame of which they may redress their grievances and obtain the remedies they so valiantly, but misguidedl,y; seek. I would define a Constitution as t.hat instrument whereby the people entrust to their government the authority to regulate their lives, their honor and their property, defining such authority and setting limits thereb. Any exe1·cise of governmental power beyond those limitations is the assumption of "power without right" and a repetition of such usurpation will eventually establish tyranny or a totalitarian state. I regard the Constitution as a solemn compact whereby the majority of the people promise to the minority or to the individual, that in the exercise of political sovereignty, they shall not transgress certain well-defined boundaries or will follow specified l'Ules ')f conduct. It is essentially the shield and the protection of the minority and of the individual citizen. And it is a product of the wisdom of the ages, because experience has shown that although Governments aL·e avowedly intended to promote and preserve society and its components, they have exhihited irresistible tendencies to extend their powers expanding their authority to the detriment and prejudice of their constituents. Wherefore, curbs are set forth the Constitution to protect those who should hap o lbe, for the moment, at odds with theit· gove1 t. No wonder it is the minority people that are t 1e: most ~rdent votaries in the august temple of the Constitution often pleading with the persons commissioned to officiate there, that the arm of the law be extended to restrain the majority on occasions when the latter would seize or wiefd undelegated prerogatives. Fifteen years ago today, pursuant to authority given by the Tydings-McDuffie Act of the United States Con- gress, our Constitution, the greatest instrument ever drawn by Filipino hands, was finally adopted by a Constitutional Convention composed of men select'!d by the people because of their talent, learning and deep patriotism. Some of the distinguished members of said Cor.stitutional Convention with tht'ir worthy President, Mr. Justice Recto, are here now ·with us, and there is every reason for the people to be grateful to them. Approved later by the President of the United States, our Constitution was overwhelmingly ratified by the. people in ::i plebiscite held in May, 1935. The makers of our Constitution, m.,stiy lawyers, were, of course, familiar with American Constitutional L!'tw, what with McKinley's Instructions, the Philippine Bill, the Jones Law and the Federal institutions-not to mention the Malolos Constitution which was drawn by liberal Spanishspeaking Filipino jurists. Unsurprisingly therefore our Fundamental Charter exhibited a blending of American d:ictrines with Filipino ideals and a few Spanish principles. It was in fact a revised edition of American Constitutions-undoubtedly an improved edition. Being the outcome of peaceful negotiations for the liberation of one subject people-not of war or revolution, as was the American-our Constitution contained an express renunciation of war as an instrument of state policy-even as it prescribed several principles of zealous national character to conserve the patrimony of the realm. Having been framed by a people not entirely free from outside influence, it w:is inevitable that the Constitution should carry certain restrictions, which had to be accepted because imposed by the enabfing Act, like the trade relations with the United States and the prese1·vation of the rights of American citizens. But as a product of the times, reflecting the political sagacity of the conveni:ionis;ts, the Constitution presents evolutionary accretions, liberal principles found to be consistent with the traditions and necessities of the Philip11ine commonweal, like the consecration of social justice ardently advocated by our beloved Manuel L. Quezon, the nationalization of natural resources, the expropriation of landed estates, the right of the Government to operate pri\'atc industries and means of transportation, the . duty of the estate to afford protection to labor and the assurar..ce that access to the comts shall not be denied by reason of poverty. I mention some of the highlights. But. I must not for~et to include the creation of the Electora~ Tribunrtl;; nnd the Commission 011 Ekdion;;, new instrumentnlitie~ March, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 5 designed to insure the untrammeled exprei;sion of the popular will. Assembled during that period when the admin!stration of Franklin D. Roosevelt had proclaimed the necessity of Presidential leadership in the struggle against serious <!COnomic depression-, at a time when the enemies of the New Deal opposed the numerous administrative regulations implementing congressional legislation upon the ground that they violated the principle outlawing delegation of legislative powers, the delegates perceived the possibilit.Y tl-at i:;ome day the Philippine people might encountff grave national emergencies requiring swift remedial action of the Executive. Hence the framers foresightedly adopted the modernized constitutional doctrine permitting delegation of legislative powers to the Chief Executive in certain crises. There is no gl'ound to suspect that the p1 ovision wa~ calculated to win the good graces ·of President Roosevelt, and to insure approval __ cp- the draft. Anyway the last world conflagration has..,.~ply justified the invocation, l•rrnu~;(' it enabled the Commonwealth to fun('tion during the war emer~ncy and even ;..fter J:'beration, by executive orde1·s and proclamations. Possibly the pre-war opinion of some eminent jurists was vindicated about the feasibility of establishing here as constitutional dictatorship in a modern democracy. I suppose it does not escape thP perspicacity of political scientists and legal scholars that the Executive Department admittedly the strongest in the Republic could, become considerably stronger and result in a virtual dictatorship, a consummation never to 'be devoutly wished in times of relative normalcy, because a dictatorship is still a dictatorship even if disguised as a constitntional dictatorship. In connection. with the modernization or revision of our basic legal system, the Constitution's treatment of judicial review may be scrutinzed. Most of my hearers will recall that the Constitution of the United States did not clearly invest its SU.preme Couit with jurisdiction to pess on the constitutionality of Congressional legislation. It was Chief Justice Marshall who, in the famous case of Marbury v. Madison spelled out the Court's power to measure Congressional laws against the pattern of the Constitution and its duty in case of conflict to declare the latte1 as paramount, and to ennui the Congressional enactment. Such was the formula that gradually evclved into what was subsequently claimed as the principle of Judi<"ial S.ipremacy, which is really a misnomer, because it is no assertion of superiority over the. other departments but only the exercise of the unavoidable obl_ignti'On to interpret the Constitution and to apply it in -proper cases. True that the performance of such obligation has given rise to reports of "judicial oligarchy",· or ~·government by the judiciary" or to the statement by Governor Hu~hes that thf' "constitution is what the judges say it is" or to that. other of President Wilson that "The Supreme Court is ·a coni:itu .. tional Convention in continuous session,'' but those were probably due to differences in perspective or to the color of the glasses of the speaker or writer. It should properly be called the power of judicial interpretation or review. Now, as such powe1· to inti!rpret and apply was not granted expressly in the Constitution of the United States, regulations for its exercise wei-P naturally not to be found therein. This indefiniteness becam':! the sour<"<' of controversies over its extent, and c0nflicting philosophies appeared between those whc maintainPd unlimited power of judicial revision and those who contended that the court should itself fix the boundar,y adopting the policy not to lightly overrule legislative measures presumably bearing the approval of the whole people, because enacted by their representatives in Cong1·ess. The last mentioned school of thought furthermore criticized thote five-to-four decisions annulling congressional laws, sti·aining its argument to the point of asse1ting that in those cases the law had actually been overthrown "by half a vote." Well, our Constitutional Convention, alive to the currents of juridical doctrine, endeavored to avoid that controversy by recognizing the authority of the Supreme Court to declare statutes as unconstitutional, but hedging judicial intervention with the requirement that two-thirds of th" memberships shall so declare---otherwise the law shall stand. Some have advanced the belief and prediction t~iat the two-third requirement ultimately enhances legislative prepoderanC€ even as it weakens the authority of the Judicature. I refused to share that view. The power to annul is vested in the court. And there it is. The number of votes required may prevent the po~sibility of .iudicial excesses and will, for that reason, make the pronouncements of the Couit stronger and more authoritative. And, furthermore, there is no doubt that in proper cases the great majority of the Justices will not fail to pE:rceive as unconstitutional what really infringes the directives of the Constitution. I make this statement without forgetting that our Constitution is intended "to endure for ages to come and, consequently, to be adapted to the various crises of human affairs" and to the varying needs of human life and accord. ingly· Justices must be responsive to the necessities of changing conditions calling for vision and judicial statesmanship. And I also have in mind that in the area of constitutional affairs, there is much unce1tainty as to particulars of future litigations. The expanding demands of society and civilization and the fields of governmental activit;y newl,y opened by the Constitution, ·will require riew types of legislative commands and prohib\tions to solve the multiple problems of commerce, indu~try a111).· agriculture, of labor .and capital, and the necessities in ge11~ral of the common welfare. Unprecendented complication on a national scale will happen, novel controversies will be joined and submitted to the men on the Bench, troubling their mind, testing their mettle. Yet it is reasona.lile to expect that as in the past the official inierpreters of the Constitution will perform their function, with all diJ.igence and impartiality, unswayed 'by storms of partisan strife, unmindful of pe1·sonal advantage, with an eye single to the meaning and words of the fundamental Charter to give effect to the ~~e0~hna;n:;~:.;;ed0~t:tsAf~;~;:~k~~; :~1: t~~ \~'~1~i~i~lt~:p~:.~= ment, I say, that is our firm purpoSe, om· .<;olemn pledge.. In our task for the attainment of our high objective, I am happy to say that we can alw"ays count on the cooperation of our good Bar. Indeed, any accomplishment of the court in the past is due, to a great extent, to the assistance and devotion to duty of our able lawyers. There is truth in the saying that with a good Bar there can be no bad Bench. Our lawyers in the Philippines may be compared, not unfavorably_y-With an,y Bar in the world today, specially in point of capacity, integrity and kr..owledge. There are many of them who are indeed true leaders in Juridical Science and are conscious that the life of ~he law is not logic alone but experience also, and thus they seek mature legal wisdom not only from books but from l'eal life as well. One of my joys !n court is to observe with pride how our good lawyers, specially the young ones argue their cases with such brilliance, conviction and wonderful capacity that 1 cannot help but raise my ":yes to God and thank Him, for the assurance that in the future we will have wo1thy successors in court. These years of our Republic, and the many more years to come, are crucial for us. The things we do now \Vil! make their mark upon the ¥ears to come. We are building upon the foundation of our future, much of which has already been laid. We have a form of governmed, which· history (Continued on page 11 J Page 6 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 THE PHILIPPINES: Show Window Of Democracy By MYRON C. COWEN U. S. Ambassador to the Philippines A little more than seven months ago, it was my pleasure and privilege to address a special meeting of Mnnila Rotary. In that talk I reviewed the cordial and constructive relations which have existed b€,tween your people and mine for half a century, relations comprising an outstanding· record of mutual devotion to an ideal and mutual good faith. The world will have to study this record if it is to understand the re<:ent statement of our Secretat·y of State, Mr. Achfson, when he stressed the very special relationship between ou1· two nations and pledged its continuance. The world will have to do this to realize why the bonds betw-?en us are not made up of political, or economic, or military expediency, but are things of the heaa and spirit, and therefore strong-el" than any ties of trt"aty or compact. Today, our Filipino friends in Manila will join with many of my fellow Amel'icans in observing an anni''ersary. To them it is an anniver· sary of great Jlersona\ significance. But to me it is even more important as a ~ymbol of the bonds I have in mind. I ha,•e read and I have been told the story of February 3rd, 1945 a doum · times, and still thrill to its incident and its implications. It was on that day that a mere handful of gallant mcn-800 members of the First Caval i·y Division - roared down Manila's roads and re.took the Philippines' capital frC"lm a numerically g1·eater enemy force. It was a n audacious and b1·illiant military exploit, and the days of battle which followed were grim a nd terrible; but most moving to me are those little facets of human warmth - few of them recorded - which emerge from the memories of those who survived that trial. They tell of how your farm folk alonir the road, oblivious to danger, ran cheering to greet the thundering tanks, lifting their little ones high to wave at one of our grinning Okla· homa farm boys. Of how they pressed their meager stores of fresh food upon our battle weary men, and of how Ambassador Cowen those combat-hardened soldiers emptied their pockets and duffle bags of the rations meant to carry them through the unknown days ahead. They te11 how your people opened their hearts and homes to our lonely jungle-fighters, and how those grim soldiers paused in the heat of battle to guide a grandmother to safety or tenderly care for a wounded child. There were friendi;hips borne in those days, bonds forged and tempered in the fires of war. It is bonds such as those that link the Philippines and America. Today's annh·ersary invokes other memories, and they, too, are worth a thought today. It might be timely to pause and remt'mber the state of this nation only five years ago, remember it as it was at the war's end. For three years undel" Japanese domination no ships had come to your ports t:xcept to carry away what was still in your warehouses and what little your paralyzed industries could produce. Then, to this land stripped of its wealth and stripped of its means of producing wealth, came the final devastation of a bitter battle for freedom. When it ended, there was little left save the land itself and the people who lived on it, a brave but starved and weary people. Remembering those days, let us look about us now. How can we fail to feel a gl'eat surge of pride and confidence; pl'ide in this nation's achievement and confidence in its future? How can we fail to realize that the problems a~d obstacles it faces today, while sedous, are equally possible of succe13sful solution? I, for one, have had, and continue to have, fullest confidence in this nation•s potentialities as a major factor in the ideological development of the Far East. Recently in the press, I have seen the thought expressed that the Philippines might beeome the "show window of de· mocracy" in this part of the world. I like that phrase if it is properly used and understood - if it does not imply that democracy is a commodity, like pianos and ice boxes, that can be purchased in pesos or dollars. Just what do I mean by a "show window of democracy?" The people of Asia, in their march towal'd progress and development, stand today at a. fork in the road. To the right is the way of life which you and I have known, a way best described and charted by the four freedoms. To the left is the way of life offered by communism, a way leading only to the rnthless glorification of the state, denying every right of the individual to freedom, dignity and self expression. But where the way to the left is shown by vague and evasive signpost, only hinting at a possibility of a better life, our way can be mark· ed by a very real and tangible example of how million~ of men and women are faring as they travel the road to the right. Where one is symbolized by an "iron curtain", the other can afford the "show-window." The greatest service, therefore, that the Filipino people can render the peoples of Asia and the es.use of world democracy lies in their own development as prosperous and happy citizens of the democratic world, able to stand proudly before the closest and most aitical world scrutiny. In this, they may be sure of the encouragement and aid of all other citizens of democracy. You may ask, How will this exciting pl'ogram affect you he1·e in lloilo? Rut it seems to me that it would be more March, 1950 accurate to ask how Iloilo will affect the program. For I see here all the elements out of which that program will be designed, and I see a pattern already emerging which may well set the pace for the rest of the nation. The future of this nation's econom.y envisions develcpment of its power resources, development of industrial facilities for processing and manufacture. But, as was the experience of Am<>J"ica, that future economy can be achieved and ·maintaincd only upon the sound base of the strong agricultural economy you develop today. The means of achieving your objective lie in the wealth of your soil and your ·forests and your people. The speed with which you achieve it is limit~d only by the efficiency and vigor with which you use those natural resources. It is natural for an American residing in Manila as I do, to think at once of sugar whenever he hears the word Iloilo. And it is difficult to think of Philippine suga1· without enteiiaining feelings of hopefulness aroused by recent accomplishments, together with a sobering sense that much remains to be done. The vigor with which the people of this province have pushed the rehabilitation of the sugar industry and the measure of success they haYe achie.Yed justify hopefulness. The sobering sense that many things remain to be done is inherent in the fact that Philippine sugar, after 0 1954, will have increasingly to mc·et competition from sugar produced in other areas. Now I am not a sugar-producer and am not competent to say what these things may be: I came with the supposition that selection of more productive types of cane, soil analyses de.signed to disclose what types of fertilizers are needed, improvements in the methods of processing and better labor-management practices may supply pat't of the answer. Possibly some cane areas may better be planted. to other crops; possibly more emphasis will be plae€d on development of by-product industries. But as I say, I am not a sugar-man and I come hoping to learn from you some of the answers rather than in any thought that I personally can supply them. One thing I do know, however. You are an independent people, free to conduc!; your own search for the answers to ,your problems and to apply those solutions which best suit your national interests and well-being. That is the way it is, but that is not the way it might have been. Less than six years ago this province, like others of the Philippines, was in the hands of imperialistic invaders. They did not control the hills, whern hardy and brave men and women continued to resist them, but their heel bore heavy on the people of the cities THE MANILA GUARDIAN and municipalities and their transport equipment rolled on the highways. But for those in the hills, their helpers in the towns and on the farms, and the aid of allies who fought their way back to help bring liberation, the Philippines today would be a colony of Japan. It would be the Japanese who would tell you what to plant and what not to plant; it would be the Japanese who would decide how much you should receive for your crops and what you ehould be permitted to buy in return. Rut today .you of the Philippines are free, as I said, to seek your own solutions to your ow1t prnblems. ·we may be able to furnish technical experts and 11ssistance in other ways but thP. responsibility for decisions, and for the hard work needed to give effect to these decisions, will be your own. I hope that your decisions, whether in Government or in sugar-development, may be based en considerations of the lor.g-term public good rather than ·short-term, selfish interests or personal profits. The nation's econ~)mic well-being and its continued independence depend upon it. I believe it to be true that independence may be wo11 only by workin~ and fighting and can be preserved only by \\'Orking and figLting -- fighting against Eclfishness and misgovernment, which are the enemies within, no less than ag-ain:-;t an actual invadCr sJ.ould he land on a country's shores. If Government Ls clean, honest and concerned for the public good; if employers plan intelligently to supply the public's needs and treat with labor an a basis of fairness and equality; and if labor behaves in sober realization that its interests are inseparable from those of employers, a nation can stand strong in its unit,y. If not, it faces the danger of being overthrown. The threat of Japanese imperialism ha& been laid, but there exists in the world today another im~ perialism which stands ready to take advantage of those who do not cherish their independence sufficiently to work for it, to sacrifice their own immediate interests for it, and if necessary to fight for it. I for one believes in Philippine independence, and I pray that you may win success in your end(>avors to protect it for yourselves and for your child~n. Fortunately, it seems that the productivity of Iloilo is not confined to sugar. You also produce statesmen. I refer particularly to your native son and my very good friend, Vice-president Lopez who is respected and beloved not only here in hifl home town, but throughout the nation. We have long known 1•nd greatly admired the marvelous job lw did as Ma.yor of this city during the year following liberation and his unflinching stand for honesty in Government. More recently he C>xpressed a Page 7 political truth which the history of my own nation has demonsti·ated time and again. He displayed a keen understanding and appreciation of basic democracy when he declared that the two party system was a source of unity rather than division, for an articulate and constructive opposition is to a political system what a conscience is to an individual. I have good reason to believe that the eyes of the world will turn with increasing interest toward the Republic of the Philippines as time goes on, and there is good reason to hope that the world will like what it sees in this "show window of democracy." And there is reason to believe that the eyes of the l'hili11pines will turn more and more toward lloilo as time goes on - J.nd should certainly like what it sees here in this friendly city and province whose gracious welcome and cordial hospitality I shall never forget. <Arld1·e.~s before Jloilo Rolnry Club, J<'eb. J, 1.950) Enjoy the Magic of • "'~~t«- 'U'atu" FOR HOME, FARM••• INDUSTRY •ECONOMICAL • SAFE • SILENT• Pr!.~!!;~~i PUMPS WATER SYSTEMS fOR OEO 00 SHAU.OW WEL S ~i;.l D<s1t11>u1e4 b~ PHILIPPINE ENGINEERING CORPORATION 938 ltaon. Manila Tel. 2·98-71 Branches: Cebu-Doilo-Cotabat~Da":ao Page 8 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 THE CASE OF CAPT. JUNSA Y By ARSENIO H. LACSON Congressmen, 2nd District of Manila There are men in this country, powerful men, whose main obsession is liberty. They are men who run our governmental affairs, men who dominate the community's social life, and who would perpetuate their hold on power by clim'bing, if necessary, over the broken bodies of those who would have none of them. These men have a peculiar concept of liberty. While to most of us liberty means the freedom of every man to do as he pleases with himself and the fruits of his labor, to these men, these powerful men, liberty means the freedom of some men to do as they please with other men and the fruits of other men's labors. That is why, in this country today, the government is on the verge of chaotic bankruptcy, that is why there is general bitterness in the wake of a so-called popular election, that is why the masses of our peoplf' are ready to join any movement which holds the promise of uprooting the present order. We all talk about the dangers of communism and the imminence of a red invasion of our country. And that, it seems, is all we can do: talk. For we are not doing any of the things, the really essential things, that wou!rl secure true democracy to our people and eliminate the dangers of communism. "Practical" politicians that they are, the men who run 'OUl' government have no use for such ideals as respect for human dignity and individual rights. adherence to constitutional processes, equality before the law, and amelioration of the worker, the landless and the oppl'essed. To these "realistic" politicians, these principles which alone could save us from chaos and destmction, are useful only in party platforms and campaign speeches: once in power, their only principle is to stay in powerit matters not how nor why. There is political discontent in this country. The majority of our people feel that they have been cheated of their right to elect public officials of their choice. Some of them feel insecure in their employment because of political persecution. Many are being impoverished because of the government's bungling interference with the economic laws that are basic to a free society. And almost everyone has lost respect for a government that has proved itself incompetent or unwilling to protect the dignity and security of its citizens. The leaders in ou1· govemment today have no right to talk about democracy after showing that they have neither the courage no1· the inclination to punish those who would win elections by fraud and terrorism. They have no right to talk about honesty when they themselves show little regard for probity. You can be sure, gentlemen, that unless proper remedies are initiated in time, this government will disintegrate, for the masses of the people that should give it strength and stability are demoralized. How can we talk of taking the lead in forming a -strong Asiatic bloc against communism when our own country itself totters under weig·ht of official abuse and stupidity? Only the othel' da,y, at the British Commonwealth Conference, Premier Pandit Nehru of India said that no barrier against Soviet imperialism in Southeast Asia can be effective until the states that woulcl l'aise it are politically content. And Nehru was right. The Philippines, for one, cannot expect to steer clear of red influence so long as it remains fertile soil for the growth of communism. What we have in this country today is a governmenl of corruption, designed for corruption, and maintainl'd hr brute force for corruption. Here might is the supreme power, and righteousness its abject slave. Right is whatever that pleases might, and wrong is whatever displeases might. In many parts of the country, we have become a police state, ruled by terror and force. Many men have fallen victims to such a regime. One of them- is Capt. Diosdado D. Junsay of the Philippine Constabulary. Allow me, gentlemen of this Con11,Tess, to refn·sh youi memory: Captain Junsay was with a group of Constabulary soldiers, members of the famous Nenita unit, who were arrested on October 20 sho1tly before the November elections in Si\ay, Negros Occidental. So far, there is nothing reasonably clear about this arrest, except the suspicion that the soldiers had some connection with a number of firearms and ammunition supposediv discovered by the local authorities in the hacienda of Nacionalista senatorial candidate Pedro Hel'naez. Soon after the arrest, the soldiers were investigated by the provincial authorities in a manner reminiscent of the incredible and terrifying years of the Japanese occupation. As a result of that investigation, the arrested constabularymen confessed to having conspired to commit Se· dition. Never have our people heard of a more enigmatic confeiilsion. The "guilty" soldiers were rendered inacessible to the press, no pictures could be taken of them. Stories that they had been tortured multiplied but were never denied to the satisfaction of the people. When a reporter from the "Manila Daily Bulletin" asked Governor Rafael Lacson what he had to say about these stol'ies that torture was being m;ed, the governor blandly replied that he had to have information. Torture, it seems, in the opinion of this sinister and despotic man, is a legitimate mearts of securing information. The report of the torture of .Captain Junsay and his men were published in the "Daily Minor" and the "Philippines Free Press" sho1tly before the elections. General Alberto Ramos, chief of the Constabulary of which Junsay is an officer, promptly denied the report. And yf't, this same General Ramos had been officially notified by Captain Nera, PC commandant of Camp Delgado, Iloilo City, that Junsa.v and his men were being tortured by Governor Lacson's special policemen. On October 26, Captain Nera wired General Ramos: DUC020 V DVC30 NR16 -0- 261305 GR 120 FM CAPT P NERA PC CAMP DELGADO JLOJLO CITY TO GEN ALBERTO RAMOS PC QC CITE NR WVZ JG DASH TWO "SENDING THIS REPORT DIRECTLY CONSIDERING IT NECESSARY FOR YOUR INFO ON· TIME ABOUT EXPLOSIVE SITUATION IN NEGROS OCC March, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 9 BETWEEN PC AND SPECIAL POLICE PD CAPT JUNSA Y AND HIS MEN ALL MEMBERS OF THE NENITA UNIT WERE REPORTEDLY SLAPPED MALTREATED BADLY AND HUMILIATED BY SPECIAL POLICE UNDErr CERTAIN MA.TOR RAMOS IN nACOLOD CITY CLN CAPT JUNSA Y WHILE BEING TREATED BY PC SURGEON INSIDE PC COMPOUND WAS TAKEN OUT BY SPECIAL l'OLICE AT THE POINT OF GREASE GUNS AND BROUGHT A WAY FOR FURTHER MALTREATMENT ACCORDING TO INFORMANT PC OFFICER CMA CA USING RESENTMENT TO BROTHERS IN ARMS PD IN VIEW OF THE FACT THAT ALLEGED ABUSES AND MALTREAMENT MADE TO PC OFFICER AND MEN MAY CAUSE RESENTMENT AND RETALIATION BY PC PERSONNEL ESPECIALLY IF ABUSES WERE COMMITTED BY CIVILIANS CMA THIS REPORT IS MADE FOR WHAT IT MAY BE WORTH PD IN 11.0ILO CITY GOSSIPS OF THE DAY AMONG OFFICERS AND MEN ARE THE ALLEGED REPORTED ABUSES COMMITTED BY SPECIAL POLICEMEN OF NEGROS OCC PD Tl!E CAUSE OF PC TROUBLE IN STA LUCIA BARRACKS IN NINETEEN HUNDRED TWO ONE CAME ONLY FROM ONE EM END SGD CAPT NERA PASSED SISON." R-261530 FP /FS But Ramos refused to intervene'. He had, it seems, forgotten that he was a soldier, an officer and a gentleman. He had become a politician playing a particularly dirty brand of politics, and he had neither the courage, the decency, nor the manhood to prntest the manhandling of men under his command. The records of the PC itself •eveal the depths of degradation to which this chocolate soldier turned politician had sunk. From the files of the PC we read the following wire addressed to Ramos: DU20 V DVC20 NR 4 -0- 26214!'i GR CLR FM ZC FVZ CEBU CITY TO GEN RAMOS GHQ PC CITE SVC "FOL RUSH TELEGRAM FM SEC EVANGELJSTA RECD TODAY OCT TWO SIX BY HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT QUIRINO QUOTE FOL TELEGRAM ADDRESSED TO YOU RECD TODAY FM GOV GALLEGO OF CAM SUR REQUOTE GEN RAMOS LAST MONDAY ASGD C.<\PT VELARDE COMDR IN ACCORDANCE OUR JOINT REQUEST APPROVED BY YOUR EXCELLENCY YESTERDAY BUT ANOTHER COMDR COL JJE LEON ASSUMED OFFICE STOP CONSIDER NEW ARRANGEMENT COMPLETE SABOTAGE AGAINST PARTY STOP REQUEST YOUR EXCELLENCY IMDTLY ORDER GEN RAMOS REASGN CAPT VELARDE AS COMDR FOR GOOD SERVICE UNQUOTE SGD EVANGEI.18TA PARA PRESIDENT DESIRES THAT CAPT VELARDE BE ASGD AS PROVL COMDR CAM SUR ORIGINALLY ARRANGED PD SGD LAURO HERNANDEZ PAHA GEN RAl\'IOS AYE WAS PEHSONALLY PRESENT WHEN PRES QUIRINO DIC'! ATED THIS RADIOGJ~AM SIR IN THE ROOM OF GOV CUENCOS HOUSE ENIJ SGD OPPUS." TOR 262210 RM/XR And here is another wire sent to Hamos 'by Governor Gallego of Camarincs Sur: HPC V PCM NR 3632 AM 38 PAID - UHGENT ·NAGA CITY OCT 27/49 GEN RAMOS GHQ PC CC QC "MADRIGAL WIRElJ YOUR APPROVAL IMMEDIATE RETURN CAPT VELARDE AS COMMANDER STOP UNLESS YOU Ol{DER TODAY VELAIWE'S HETURN CANlHDATES PHILA MF.LlTON AND MYSELF WILL ATIANDON CAMPAIGN TO CONFEH PRESIDENT PLS WIRE UHGENTLY REPLY. GOVERNOR GALLEGO." TOR 271005 DP ;cs HPS TT And here we find Ramos prithetically prntesting to President Quirino his unswerving loyalty to the Liberal Party: CofC 27 OCTOBER Hl49 CLEAR RUSH 7383 FROM: GHQ PC SGD RAMOS TO: PC LEYTE PASS TO: HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT QUIRINO T ACLOBAN, LEYTE "RECEIVED RADIOGRAM TRANSMITTING MESSAGE OF GOV GALLEGO TO SEC EVANGELISTA REGARDING ASSIGNMENT PR\'L COMDR CAMARINES SUR PD AYE PROTEST VIGOROUSLY AGAINST GOV GALLEGO'S INSINUATION MY SABOTAGING PARTY PD FOR YOUR INFO AM NOT AWARE OF ANY RECENT ARRANGEMENT WITh GOV GALLEGO TO HAVE CAPT VELARDE ACT AS PRVL COMDR OF CAMARINES SUR PD IF GOV GALLEGO IS GENTLE- MAN, ENOUGH INSTEAD OF ACCUSING ME OF SABOTAGING PARTY FOR WHICH AYE HAVE NO REASON OR CAUSE HE SHOULD ADMIT THAT HE HAS AGHEED WITH ME BEFORE TO HAVE COL DE LEON TAKE CHARGE OF PC OFFICE CAMARINES SUR WHEN ELECTION T!ME IS NEAHING AS AYE CONSIDER CAPT VELARDE INCOMPETENT TO HOLD OFFICE PC CAMARINES SUR DURING THIS TIME PD MEANTIME AM RECALLING COL DE LEON TO MANILA PD. SGD GENERAL HA~!OS." OFFICIAL: GOZUN And now, in the wake of the hue and cry raised by the press following Junsay's shocking revelations at the court-martial of Col. Valeriano, this General who has thus disgraced the military profession, has the effrontery and the hypocrisy to go through the farce of at last lodging a protest with the Department of Interior to allay public indignation. "The inflict10n of torture," the old }\ypocrite piously points out in his letter to the Intei·ior Department, "to extort confession is horrible. . . considering that it involves fundamental human rights." And yet, as far back as October 26, Gener&.! Ramos already knew that Captain Junsay anci the Nenita soldiers arrested in Negrns were being tortured, and he had done nothing about it. But when his brother-in-law, a retired army officer, was reported beaten up by Governot· Lacson's special police a few days ago, Ramos immediately lost no time in ordering an investigation. There is strong evidence that. the veritable arsenal of guns supposedly d:scovered in t11t Hernaez hacienda were planted by Governor Lacson's men themselves with the full knowledge and connivance of Colonel Navarrete, PC provincial command~r of Negros and known in that province as Rafael Lacson's service dog. On October 21st, the d:w following Junsay's arrest, Colonel Navarrete, in a wire to GHQ through the West Visayan Zone command, listed the firearms confiscated from the Nenita soldiers as follows: nuc20 v DVC30 NR 5 0 210910 GR 686 FHOM: PC NEG OCC PROV PC TO ZC \\'VZ PC PASS TO TAG GHQ PC CITE NR ONE FIVE FOUR SIX PD Report received by this Hq that a grou11 of armed men were assembled early yesterday morning twenty oct four nine at Hda of Pedro Hernaez at barrio Naga, Silay this Page 10 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 Report On The Fight For Benefits Two significant developments came up during the last two weeks in connection with the fight of former Filipinos civilian internees for benefits under the U.S. War Claims Act of 1948. The first is a cablegram from Rep. Anthony Cavalcante (D-Pa), author of the bill which would grant such benefits, to F. Ben Brillantes, Secretary-General of the Philippine Ex-Political Prisoners' Association expressing optimism about his measure and the other, a request by the \.Var Commission to the Philippine Embassy in Washington for data on Philippine claims. The wire of Rep. Cavalcante was in response to a query from Mr. Brillantes as to the status of his bill filed last year and which was referred to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce where it is presently pending. The Con. gressman from Pennsylvania replied that wlule no time has yet been fixed by the committee for hearings on the measure he had high hopes it would be taken up during the present session. At the sam~ time he promised his full cooperation in pushing through the bill. The other significant development came in the form of a request from the Philippine Foreign Affairs Department" to the PEPP A for data concerning claims arising from the War Claims Act. These data were requested by the Commission from the Philippine embassy in Washington which in turn asked the home office for help. The request was later transmitted to the PEPP A which keeps an up-to-date roster of former civilian internees who would be benefitted under the provisions of the Cavalcante bill. It will be recalled that under Section 8 of the \Var Claims Act the Commission is directed to make a report to the U.S. President for submission to Congress not late·r than March 31 this year regarding " ( 1) the estimated number and amount of such claims, classified by types and categories; and (2) the extent to which such claims have been or may be satisfied under international agreements or domestic or foreign Jaws." The Commission is also empowered to make recommendations for the satisfaction of the same. Very fortunately, the PEPPA which was org·anized for mutual help among former political prisoners during the Japanese occupation keeps a record of its members now numbering around 30,000 who stand to benefit under the provisions of the Cavalcante measure. The secretariat is now busy compiling its report for transmittal to Washington through the department of Foreign Affairs. Significantly, through this report hinges to a large MRS. GEORGIA L. LUSK Wat Claimt Commlnioner DAVID N. LEWIS War Claims Co mmissioner extent the passage of the Cavalcante bill whose sponsor promised to use the data to bolster the case for Filipino internees. Data being compiled by the PEPPA secrotariat about its members include among other things, information regarding capture, imprisonment, interment or entry into hiding and other matters. They also include the approximate number of claimants and the amounts of their respective claims. A suggestion was made by Mr. Erillantes to Rep. Cavalcante to the effect that part of the $23,000,000 former assets of the Japanese in the Philippines and presently being held by the Philippine Alien Property Administration be earmarked to pay Filipino claims. The fight for benefits however will center in the U.S. Congress this session. Encouraged b~· the result of his mission last year, Mr. B1·illantes has been keeping in constant touch with \Vashington officials including· Ambassador Joaquin M. Elizalde who promised everything .possible at his command to help push through the Ca\'akantc mc.lsure. lt will be remembered that \Yithout Mr. EJizalde's help, the Cavalcante bill would not h:we been introduced in Congress last year and therefore the Filipino envoy considers the legislation one of his pet projects. The need of sending a follov.··-up mission to appear before the Interstate and Foreign Comme:rcc Committee when it holds hearings on the bill is of course recognized by Rep. Cavalcante himself. For this reason, PEPPA officials are pl'esently consulting with members to map out plans fol' the financing of this mission. This mission, in' order Mareh, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 11 to be effective, must be in \Vashington sometime next month. The campaign however is not totally confined in Congress. Other American leaders whose friendship to Filipinos has been demonstrated time and again have been asked to help in the cause. These include Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt and Gen. Jonathan M. Wainwright. The help of these two particularly has been solicited following reports recently to the effect that both have co-sponsored a $2,000,000 drive to aid Philippine civilian and military war casualties. Separate letters thanking them fol' their benevolence and ::'.Sking them to help in the approval of the Cavalcante bill were written by I\fr. Brillantes. There are others in \Vashington who are unselfishly doing their bit for the cause. There is Atty. Vicente Villamin, still considered one of the most influential Filipinos in the United States who is making contacts with his Amel'ican friends in Congress regarding the measure. Ultimately adjudication of claims will have to be made by the \Var Claims Commission composed of Daniel Francis Cleary, chairman and Mrs. Georgia L. Lusk and David N. Lewis, members. The membership howeYer has been reduced to two with the untimely (kath in an airplane crash recently of l\Ir. Lewis. No successor to his office has yet been announced in "'ashington. Chairman Cleary is well-prepared for the job. As senior attol'ney in the Office of Legislation of the VetQrans' Administration, it was his work to analyze and report Qn legislative proposals affecting veterans. One of these proposals became the \Var Claims Act of 1948. As Chairman of the Commission it will be up to him to determine who is and who is not eligible for the benefits under the act. The months he spent analyzing the law as it passed through the Yarious stages of the legislative process will pro\·e to be beneficial to him in carrring out his duties. Claims b.v Americans and Filipinos who were former members of the USAFFE are now being JWOCl'ssed br the Commission. It is the hope of the PEPPA that before long, the War Claims Act ~hall have been amended to as to include former Filipino ciYilian internees among its beneficiaries. The Philippines: ... (Continued from page 5) has shown to be the besL We have :nerpetuated that g('vc•1 nm1"11t i11 a sacrer\ document, our Constitution. In no otlwr time in t!IC' past and perhaps in no other time in our futurt' as a nation and as a people, have we ever and will ,,.(, l'\"l'l' frp] the importance and the need of a Conditutinn <li' in thNw yeai·s of our political, social and economic ~ulol1•scp11:·(•, Our ciestination will be at the end of the path which we are now blazing. Our acts today will be precedents of the future. Even our sins and abuses now may be assimilated into the background and perpetuated Compliments Of PHILIPPINE CHINESE WINE MANUFACTURERS ASS'N Mr. Gonzalo Gaw Hok President 197 Juan I.una, 3rd Floor - Association Addres~ • Members: La Verdad, Inc. California Distillery Destileria Lim Tuaco Destileria La Copa Destileria La Fuerza Destileria La Corona Destileria La Refineria Destileria La Fortuna, Inc. Destil-eria Gonzalo, Inc. Destileria La Tondeiia, Inc. United Wines Merchant Gonzalo Gaw Hok, Inc. (Dollar Distillery) Hamilton Distillery Dcstileria La Estrella Through the maze of the IMPORT CONTROL ..... . THE MANILA GUARDIAN forges ahead to serve its readers into customs. The generations of tomorrow shall look back upon the march that we have begun and which we now lead and I fervently hope that they shall not fir.d a tortuous, dusty and bloody trail that we may leave behind as our meagre, miserable contribution to a proud and glorious lineage. Today on this occasion, I thank Divine Providence that, having implored His aid, we have a great Constitution which embodies our ideals and gu'di.::s us '.o secure to ourselves and our posterity the "blessings of independence under a regime of justice, liberty, and democracy". racy". --,Spee.ch delive1·ed before the Philippine Lr11r:1r 1.~· Association on Constitution Day, Feb. 8, J!J.~0. PERSONALITIES IN NEWS ..... 11.P. FERN,t NJJO LOPEZ did a yeoman's job of Philippines a rfairs during the brief absence of President Quirir:o. His ma in concentration 1ircsently is the reorganization and sti-camlining of government enterprise:> 1 u·eparatory to full-scale industrialization of the country. DAVI[) L!T ... TENTHAT_,, chairman of the U.S. Atomic En-~r gy Commission resigned his important post last month. Exact reasons for the action of the atomic authority was not revealed. At the t ime of his resignation, the United States was faced with th•~ decision to emhark on the JH"oi.luction of th2 mnch-ballyhoocd hydrogen bomb, reportedly under pmrlnction in Soviet Russia. A/GER HISS for a while occupied the news limelight in the United States during his now-famous perjur,y trial, in connection with his espionage activitk~s. He was sentenced to fh·e years· imprisonment by th<:? federal ccurt in New York fot• denying under oath having transmitted government secrets a Soviet spy ring through one Whitaker Chambers. NORTH ATLANTIC NA. TIO/VS sign('d rec-wtl~· a joint defense pact in formal cet·emonies in Wash inKIOn. Jm11orta11t figures durini:t the signing oi the agrcl'mcnt were (left to rij!ht) Ambassado1 ll1•nl'i Bonnet nf l"rnncc, Secrctury !lf State Dean Adwsf•n of the United ::itatcs, ond Sir Oliv1.•r F1·;.111ks of Gt·cat Britain. Unrler the treaty th~ Kol'th Atlantic nations we1 ·e to l'eceive $1,000,· 000,000 worth in U.S. a rms and equipment. OtlH!l' :>ignutol'ics WCl'e Italy, Uenmark, Belgium, Nethe1 'b!1ds, l.uxt·mbourf! a nd Norway. March, 1950 CAULOS ]>, UOMm.o I BRING the voice of bold, unfettered men The voice that will not die Through this and ages still to be T he price be fir" or blood. THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 13 By General CARLOS P. ROMULO EDITOR'S NOTE: The following poe.m of General Cwrlus P. Romulo, Philippine Ambassador Extroordinary a.nd Plenipotentiary to the United Nations, and curr ently president of the UN General A ssembly, was featured bit the Saturdriy Review of literature. in its Janum"JI 11,, 1950 issue. In reprinting tl1e poem, the Manila Guardian hopes to project tlw thou,qhts of the foremost spokesman of the Philippine.s<md fo-r nuinkind-tuday, and to pay tribute. to the man, whom future generations may ·rightly call World Citizen No. 1. Resounding with the fon:c 0 ruthless hurricanes, It came to strike and lash At dungeon gates of steel Tearing into the paths Anoss tht.· shadowland of dismal years; Dark memories of youth Betrayed in senseless wars, Of empires, to reverse Swcrping· the full extent of history, The misdirected Course Its substance, imn.rnncnt, sublillll'. ()f tHannies that tried to Crush Of men who gave their blood To serve ambitions madThcsc only, and the tears, Of bitterness remain Imparts the answer to our kind being here, Not like the savage brute Bereft of faith or hope, But standing up to God Within the harmony of space: and time . If troubled hands should seek to mute Its affcnts firm and dt·ar That men and women f rec: Might circumscribe their ken \i\'ithin the narrow sropc Of prejudice and hatei Then all their doubt and fear Spread by relentless hordes St~t:king hut Mammon's gain, Can by un(nithful words Becloud and drsenatc Its mandate but in y;,in. Ere Man devised his ruk of Law To reaffirm the higher and divine, En: mosque or synagogue or shl"ine Took root upon this c~u·th, T his voice 'vas heard in awe By human ea rs perverse, And then lw saw the birth The guiltless in their chains, And hold back in their wraths Communes and parliaments. Arross the distant meadow plains Of Runnymede, where Common Man, Roused from the anguish of his hearth, Laid down the Charter of his will That all his peen; who bore The cross of Arrogance Might live and slave no more; Into the iron cells or the Bastille \Vhcrc despots came in ire Their victims to disgorge; O\"cr the battlefields of Bunker Hill, Of Concord, Valley Forge; Against the cannon and the fire That thundered through Bataan And paved the foe's advance O n proud CorregidorIt swept to b1ing rebirth J"o muted faiths, a nd renaissance To dying sanamcnts. For little things hard won. So much is gone, so much of peacc1 Of love, of light, of truth 1n carh rcmcmbcn:d death; Yct1 crc the sighings cease, War's foul and scaring breath May burn thr land again Where heavy iron bars Of cults and creeds arc down And sullen frontiers frown Upon a world in fears . Then omT again the potent power That makes the eagle soar Above the highest peak, Beyond the farthest sky, Will strike the fatal hour For those who would deny The- freedom of the mind; And st<'rnly, bold, unfettered men, Hy word of tongue or pen, In tcm1s of T ruth will speak, As they have done before, T he faith of Humankind ; While multitudes, unchained and free, \<\1ill wave the battlcflags and sing The Hymn of Liberty. Of T ruth that spanned the univcr<ie.. l"he thunder and the crash arc gone This be rhe immortal Voice I bringOut of thr mr-al~trnm of 1h1· d f'mcnts. I.caving but ugly s<"ars T he Voin· that will not die. Page 14 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 /ELIAS and SALOME By Am. F. PAREDES Most of us are acqm.t1nted with Dr. Jose Rizal's classical novel Noli Me Tangere finished in Berlin on February 21, 1887. This volume is acclaimed as the "Filipino Bible of Nationalism" and the "most precious relic of the free Filipino people." 'Vhat the average reader is not so familiar with is the fact that there was an unpublished chapter from the original Noli Me Tangere manuscript entitled Elias and Salome. This chapter was written in the handwritii1g of the author. The pages of this particular part were lined with blue-pencil by Rizal without a number of the chapter to indicate it from the other chapters. \Vhile Rizal was in Berlin, he used to rewrite portions of his novel, and even deleted paragraphs and chapters to improve it. This chapter deals mainly with the love affair of Elias, one of the principal characters of the novel, and Salome, the embodiment of Filipina b§uty and modest\' like Maria Cfara as p~l b.yjlizal. It also depicts the sincerity of their love affair and the entangling circumstances that sealed their fate, leading them to poignant parting. Mr. Charles Derbyshire, an ardent Rizaliana scholar who translated Rizal's two novels, the Noh Me Tangere and El Firibusterismo, and some of his poems, explained why Elias and Salome was deleted from the original manuscript. \Vith regard to this chapter, he wrote: "Jn the original manuscript, this chapter appears immediately after Chapter XXIV, In the Woods, but it was blue-pencilled and lacks a number such as the others have in pencil evidently for the printer's guidance, the next successding chapter being so marked XXV. After a careful consideration of various sound artistic reasons for striking it out, and in deference to the author's clearly-indicated wish, for he personally super-intended the printing of the first edition published, this chapter was not included in the complete English version, The Social Cancel', the endeavor therein being to present the finished work exactly as the author himself finally issued it. In the preceding chapter, a part~· of picnickers had been roughly broken in upon a squad of ciYil guards searching for the outlaw Elias. Salome is a character not even hinted in an)' part of th"" story or the novel (Italics mine)." Here is a brief fran~lation of the chapter entitled Elial'i and Safome \\'hich Rizal wrote as a continuation of Chapter XXIV: The civil guards that disturb the picnickers are looking for the outlaw Elias everywhere. If they had gone to a picturesque hut near the lake, they would have found what they sought. On the batalan of the hut, a girl of about seventeen to twenty years is busy sewing a camisa of bright colors. She is attractive and beautiful, but her beauty is like the flowerete that grow wild not attracting attention at first glance, but rather flowerets whose beauty are revealed when we examine them carefully. Now and again, she ·would watch the lake, waiting for th~ arrival of Elias. Suddenly, she heard footsteps. She laid aside her sewing and - waited patiently beside the bamboo stairway. Elias appeared carrying a bundle of firewood and a bunch of bananas which he placed on the floor while he handed a wriggling dalag to Salome. Salome opened the conversation: "I thought you would come by water, Elias." "I couldn't, Salome," replied Elias in a repressed tone. "The falua has come and is patroliing the lake. There's a man in it who knows me." Salome noticed in his features and actions that he was sad. Deep in her heart, she knew that Elias was being sought by the authorities. She asked ·other matters to make it indifferent, something about the girls-pretty ones at the picnic. He told her they were many and among them was Maria Clara, the sweetheart of a rich young man who had just arrived from Europe. Then he arose, and spoke in a low tone: "Good-by, Salome. The sun is setting and, as you think, it won't do for the people's hereabouts to say that the night overtook me here-but you'n• been crying. Don't deny it with your smile, you'n! been crying." Salome was crying simply because she was sad at leaving this house where she was born and reared. She explained to him: "Because it's not right for me to live alone. I'll go to live with my relatives in Mindoro. Soon I'll be able. to pay the debt nw mother left me when she died. to gi\'e up this, house in which one was born and has grown up is something more than giving up a half of one's being. A typhoon will come, a freshet, and ew!rything will go into the lake." " Elias remained speechless for a moment, then held her hands and asked her: "Have you heard any one speak ill of you? No? Ha\'e I sonietimes \VOrried you? Not that either? Then you are tired of my friendship and want io drive me awa~- .. " (Continued on page .a.) . 1-7. March, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 15 The Case of Capt. Junsay (Continued from page 9) province. A combiP.ed patrol of PC and temporary policemen led ey Captain Infante with the armored car was sent to verify and take action. The patrol apprehended the following: Capt Diosdado Junsay, CO "C" Company, 1st PC bn Combat Team, S/Sgt Angelico Arante, Cpl Evaristo Anoos, Cpl Maximo de la Cruz, Pvt Elpidio Saron, Pfc Jose Gemenia, Pfc Constancifl Miranda, Pfc Pacifico Manuel, T/Sgt Guillermo Cuevas, Cpl Claudio Divino, all of "C" Company; Cpl Prudencio Centeno, Cpl Blandino 1o~rias, Cpl Teodorico de Guzman, T/Sgt Pedro Gutierrez, T-Sgt Simplicio Dumbrique, Sgt Arturo Atienza, Sgt Venancio Paro\an, T-Sgt Antonio Quintos, S-Sgt Efren Bugia, T-Sgt Paulino Miranda, $-Sgt Fernandino Tamontamon all of S-2 .Section, 1st Pc Bn Combat Team, and nine civilians namely Alfred Maqnelan, Sebastian Mosquera, Amador Molanoday, Felipe Salv~dor, Pablo Fuentes, Angeles Magbanua, Bernardo Herrera, Cesar Tesoro, and Jose Tarrosa all of this province. Following firearms were confiscated from Pfc Constancio Miranda: one (1) pistol cal 45; Pvt Elpidio Saron, J pistor cal 45; 'f-Sgt Simplkio Dumbrique, one (1) revolver commando type cal 38; and Cpl Teodorfoo de Guzman, one (1) pistol cal 45, (1) new grease gun with one loaded magazine owner unknown, and several rounds of ammunitions cal 45 and 30 cal. carbine found in their individual bag and suit cases. Pedro Gutienez, Efren Buya and Bernardino Tamontamon claimed to have been in this province since 15 Oct 49 as security guards of Pedro Hernaez upon instruction of Lt Col Valeriano. The above three enlisted men have been staying at the residence of Hernae1, at Bacolod Cit,y. At 0700 hours, 20 Oct 49 said three Em rode in the car of Emilio Infante and joined their comrad&s at the Hda of Hernaez at Naga, Silay. Captain· Junsay with 9 Em from his unit and 8 Em from the S-2 Sec. 1st PC Bn Combat Team arrived at Pulupandan, Neg Occ 0400 h1·s yesterday via PNP Boat submarine chaser. From Pulupandan, Captain Junsay with 17 proceeded to Hacienda of Hernaez at Nagga, Silay arriving thereat on or about 0600 hours. At 0700 hours, above officers and Em were joined by the three (3) Em mentioned. Captain Junsay and 17 Em claimed to lbe on e m e r g e n c y pass. Their presence at the Hda of Hernaez is due to the invitation extended by Hernaez to Captain Sunsay while in Manila. Captain Junsay and these Em claimed to have boarded the PNP boat at Dewey Boulevard on recommendation of Lt CCJl Valeriano. Above officer and Em are now under custody pending inye.;;tigation of their presence at the Hda of Hernaez together with 12 armed Tagalogs and 11 armed Visayans. These Tagalogs and Visayans have escaped during the raid with their arms. Provincial Fiscal this Province is conducting his investigation to determine their criminal liabilities. Request verification of the allegation of these PC personnel and their authority to sta,y in this province. Sgd. NAVARRETE. RECEIVED: 211446 These were the only weapons found when the Nenita boys were arrested. But later on, the detained soldiers were photographed with a veritable arsenal of tommyguns and grease guns heaped in front of them, the same guns supposedly discovered in the Hernaez hacienda. 'I'hese planted weap01is, together with the confessions of "guilty" extracted from the defendants by torture were used as a pretext and a justification for the reign of terror that followed in Negros Occidental. On November 22, thirty-three days after his arrest, ga, Silay arriving thereat on or about 0600 hours. At Junsay received a visit from Colonel Navarrete. Navarrete gave Junsay a package of Camel cigarretes and casually inquired about his health. · "Are you alright, now?" Navarrete asked Junsay. When .Junsay arrived in Manila on November 24, Navarrete was at the airport to receive him with a group of Lacson's special thugs. "Don't involve me," Navarrete warned Junsay, "because if you ever return to Negros you will be liquidated." What an officer and a gentleman this Colonel Navarrete is! General Alberto Ramos must be very proud of him! And as for Lacson's hoodlums, one has to look to the gangsters of Nazi German,y and to the pithecoid savages of Japan for examples to match the bestial cruelty, the physical sadism with which they have treated their helpless prisoners. Nowhere in the Philippines has the deliberate degradation of man been so thoroughly systemized a8 by Lacson's special police. Animals in the jungle kill only when they are hungry or attacked; they derive no pleasure from mutilating their victims. Lacson's special police apparently enjoyed inflicting torture on their victims, watching them with relish· as they squirmed in agony and screamed. These are a new breed of men, the matrix in which . all th,e petty satraps of tyranny are cast. We have known the type during the Japanese occupation, and all of us have experienced the chilling horror of living under a regime in which liberty and life itself la,y at the caprice of men from this mould. We had thought that never again, after the defeat of fascism, would we see men like these. They give us a grim idea of the forces that we must cope with if we are to preserve real democracy in the Philippines. But let us resume: In Manila, Junsay's body showed telltale marks of vicious manhandling. He complained of pains. Two of his ri'bs, he said, were broken. He limped when he walked. He was photographed by a "Daily Mirror" photographer sitting in front of the mess hall of the Central Luzon Headquarters at Camp Dilliman. He could not be investigated at the time because, as the "Daily Mirror" put it, "he was unable to negotiate the distance from his quarters at the Dilliman mess hall to the investigator's office, a distance of about 150 meters." Junsay was confined at the V. Luna Hospital, but not even his wife and relatives could visit him until after two days. His case was described as highly confidential. And it must be a highly confidential case indeed when the Chief of the Constabulary himself, General Alberto Ramos, refused to be bothered at the time he was informed that one of his officers was being tortured in Bacolod by civilians in the employ of the provincial governor. It must be a confidential case indeed when the President of the Republic, who is the commander-in-chief of all the armed forces, apprised of the torture being administered to Captain Junsay, chose to keep his peace and made no move to find out for himself if his governm,ent's agents had reverted to atrocities to gain their ends. After the election was "won," a Philippine Army plane was sent to Negros to bring Captain Junsay to Manila. The Negros authorities refused to release Junsay without the previous approval of Governor Lacson. On November 24, Captain Junsay was finally brought to Manila, and the whole ugly and revolting story of how he and the Nenita soldiers had been brutally manhandled and subjected to all sorts of indignity came out. It was a story to curdle the blood, a story out of tht> Japanese occupation, a story that could only have come from the Dark Ages when man was still a savage and a brute. There were two things that Captain Junsay revealed upon his arrival. He repudiated his confession of guilt, shouting to all the world that he had no part in the .alleged conspiracy to commit sedition, and charged his tormentors Page 16 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 with having obtained his confession by brute force. He named Governor Lacson as the instigator of his torture. He pointed to a certain Ramos, head of the governor's special policemen, to the chauffeur and two sons of the Governor as the actual leaders of the thugs who had manhandled him. Junsay was arrestC'd on October 20. For two weeks, 14 days and nights of bloodstainc>d blackness and despair in which the outside world had ceased to exist, Junsay was beaten, clubbed with rifle and pistol butts, punched and kicked by his inquisitors until he had to spit blood continuously. He was thrown in jail in his battered condition, without medical aid. and nursed only by his fellow prisoners. On the very day of his arrest he was told that Col. Na\'arrete wanted to see him. Instead he was laken by Governor Lacson's special police to the house of Hernan in Bacolod and there questioned· and systematically manhandled for more than two hours. During the inquisition, fists would crash repeatedly into his face. Kicks and pistol and carbine butts expertly wielded would send him sprawling to the floor. Hands would pick him up, aild every time he straightened, a knee would smash into his abdomen. He was beaten and clubbed mC'rCiJPssly, until he collapsed. From there, Junsay was brought to the provincial jail where Colonel Navarrete condescended to visit him. Jun, say begged his superior officer that he be placed under the latter's custody to avoid further manhandling. Navarrete's answer was that he was going "to consult Governor Lacson." While Navarrete was presumably consulting the governor, Junsay was thrown in solitary, and despite the fact that he was bleeding continuously, and could not walk as a result of the beatings he had received, he was refused medical attention. The next morning. T ,ac.son's special police took him to lhe provincial fiscal .and thC're at the point of guns showerC'd him with abuse and told him hf' would be killc:>d unle&s he said what they wanted him to say. Incidentally, this same provincial fiscal. according to Junsay, activc:>ly, participated in the maltrc:>atment of the Nenita boys." Close to the breaking point, Junsay finally gave the statr'mC'nt they demanded of him, and again begged that he he placed under the custody of Colonel Navarrete. Again, Navarretc's answer was that he was going to consult Governor Lacson first." Later on, Junsay was taken to the barr<'!.cks of the 43rd PC Co., where he was given a glass of milk-he could not even cat goJid food: the inside of his mouth and his gum!,; wen' shattered and his lips torn and lacerated from the blows he had received in the face. While Junsay was' lying semi-conscious, Colonel Asistio, Constabulary chief of intelligence, accompanied by Captain Marcelo, visited him. These two worthies, in the presence of Lacson's special policemen, advised Junsay to admit that he was in Negros for the purpose of organizing combat teams for the Nacionalistas. "They wanted to discredit Colonel Valeriano and ruin his army career," Junsay said, "and they forced me to sign a statement on pain of committing me back to the provincial jail and leaving me at the mercy of Lacson's special police. They said I was going to be taken for a ride and killed while conveniently trying to escape." Junsay also disclosed, and this has been confirmed by the Nenita men, that one of the soldiers who had formerly served under Asistio, half-paralyzed from the waist down because of blows administered at the base of his spine with carbine butts, dragged himself towards Asistio's feet and piteously begged him to intervene. Asistio refused. The next night, Captain Orlanes and Major Ancajas of the 43rd woke up Junsay around midnight and informed him that on orders of Colonel Navarrete, he was going to be brought ,back to the provincial jail. Junsay was carried in an army cot-he could not walk due to his injuries -and loaded aboard an army truck by Lacson's special policemen. On the way to the provincial jail, his escorts amused themselves by hitting him with the butts of their carbines and alternately threatening and taunting him. At the provincial jail, they turned uPside down the army cot on which Junsay was lying, dumped him on the ground, and he lay sprawling, proceeded to jump on his chest and stomach, and beat and kicked him until he lost consciousness. When Junsay came to at about 4 in the morning, he found himself stretched in the vi!Oiting room of the provincial hospital. The special police guarding him passed the time taunting their helpless victim, cursing him, kicking him and spitting on him. Junsay begged the provincial warden to place him in solitary confinement so as to avoid further beatings and humiliation, and the warden humanely granted the request. For two days, Junsay's tormentors left him alone. He asked for medical attention but his request was refused. When his captors felt that he was sufficiently strong, they dragged him with curses and kicks to the provincial capitol where one of Governor Lacson's trusted men, Maneng Diaz, _a former spy for the Jap during the occupation, practiced on .Jungay's battered body the refinements of torture he had learned from his former Jap masters. For one hellish hour, Junsay suffered the torments of the damned until mercifully, he fainted. When he woke up, he was made to sign papers the contents of which he didn't even know. "No one under a democracy," Junsay say£ with bitterness, "was treated so barbarously as I was treated. I was kicked and beaten Jike a dog." This is the case of Captain Junsay, and it is a strong il).dictment against our government. If the press had not kept asking, and asking whether Junsay was still alive or dead, he would not be around today. And no questions would have been officially asked. Captain Junsay was mauled and maimed on suspicion. The ordinary guarantees vouschafed by the Constitution were denied him. A military officer, he was a victim of his own organization's perfidy. He was tortured and allowed to remain in torture, to help justify a reign of fraud and terrorism in Negros Occidental that made certain victory in the elections. It is only the kind of government we have today, this government that apparently worships force and ignores justice, that can tolerate the infamy which is the Junsay case. We speak of democracy without end, and yet we close our eyes to the most flagrant Violation of democratic principles. We rant about internal peace and unity, and yet let go unpunished those who are responsible for internal chaos. We refer to the Constitution as a sacred document, and yet those of us who should lead the people in assuring respect for the Constitution are the very persons who exhibit an absolute disregard for it. Take Governor Lacson. What manner of creature is he? Here is a man who has sworn to perform his official duties conscientiousl,y and according to the laws of the land. And yet in his blind subservience to the men whom he serves, he would lend himself to the perpetration of election frauds, for the persecution of his fellow men, for violent assaults on all who do not share his pl'rverte.d principles. For the duration of the election period, Governor Rafael Lacson pledged his loyalty to his presidential candidate and openly boasted that his will would be obeyr-d in his province by anybody and everybody. He mObilized special guards and freely spent government money toward this end. He committed one: abuse after another, dumped his official dignity tO the ashcan, sacrificed comMarch, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 17 mon feelings of humanity for a temporary advantage, and in every respect discredited the government which he represents. And yet today, Governor Lacson is still a hero to this government. If a man completely devoid of high principles, total~y without shame, ruled by his savage hunger for power and not by his sense of righteousness-if such a man can remain a hero for long to this government, what sort of government do we have anyway? Gentlemen of this Congress, we are the direct representatives of the people, and it is our sacred duty to restore the people's faith and confidence in their government. The case of Captain Junsay involves a clear and fundamental violation of the Revised Penal Code and the most cherished liberties guaranteed by the Constitution. Inasmuch as the administrative investigation of this case has only been belatedly ordered, and the participation of members of the Constabulary in the despicable beating of their fellow officer and comrade in arms creates doubts in the public mind as to the impartiality of an administrative investigation, this Congress should see to it that· a separate congressional probe be instituted. This Congress has the power to supel'vise the execution of executive functions, the duty to enact legislation to implement and protect the rights guaranteed by our Constitution, and the obligatio~ to turn the spotlight of public opinion on cunent events, for as James Madison has said, in the final analysis, the chief palladium of constitutional liberty is the people whose representatives we are, the people who are the authors of this blessing must also be its guardians, and their eyes must be ready to mark, their voice to denounce aggression on the authority of their constitution. This House cannot allow such barbaric practice as those emplo,yed in the Junsay case to continue. I therefore ask and so move that a committee of five be created, two of them to be appointed by the Speaker under nomination of the minority party and three under nomination of the majority party with full powers to investigate th~ case of Captain Junsay and his men, 8-nd the prevalence of the practice of extorting confessions by force by law enforcing agencies of the country, to determine and fix the responsibility therefor, and to report the results of its investigation to the House with recommendations concerning the measure to be adopted to implement the constitution rights of our people. Elias. . . (Continued from page 14) "No, don't talk like that. I am not tired of your friendship. God knows that I am satisfied with my lot. I only desire health that I may work. I don't envy the rich, their wealth, but ... " '.'But what?" "Nothing-I envy them nothing so long as I have· your friendship." "Salome," replied the youth with bitter sorrow. "You know my cruel past and that my misfortune is not my work. If it were not for the fatality which at times makes of the Jove of my parents with bitterness, if it were not that I don't want my children to suffer what my sister and I suffered, you would have been my wife in the eyes of God. But for the sake of this very love, for the sake of this future family, I have sworn to end with myself Lhe misfortune that we haYe been inheriting from father to son, and it is better that (Continued on page 22) Help Raise Funds For Charitable, Health and Welfare Institutions! APRIL 2a, H150 DllA'W Sales Quota P'2,500,000 }.'irsL Prize ................ Pl50,000 Second Prha' Third Prize . 75,000 37,500 6 I<'ourth Prizes at . l Charity Prize . 12,000 each 22,·1-70.75 AND THOUSANDS OF OTHER PRIZES TICKETS ARE NOW 0:-1 SALE Co.s•t per booklet of 10 tickets .......... P3 I.4!i Profit per booklet 8.55 Prizes to agents 6o/o of the pri7,es from the first down to the eighth and Charity prize if full quota. is covered. SAVE A LIFE AND WIN A PRIZE PHILIPPINE CHARITY SWEEPSTAKES 1893 Rizal Avenue, Manila General Manager ... Assistant General Manager . Secretary, Board of Dir.ectors T.els: 2-73-95 2-73-91 2-78-72 TUNE IN: Station DZPI at +:45 to 5:00 P.M. Every Sunday For PhilijJpine Charity Sweepstakes Program. Pri:.e Claimants Are Required to Present Their I I 1950 Residence Certificates in Collecting 1,,.: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ T;;;;/;;;;ie;;;;;,;;;;. ;;;;P;;;;ri_;;;;,e;;;;.<. __ ...,_...,,._.._..__~_. Page 18 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 THE FIFTH PO\VER By LUDWIG S. ADAMS During the first days of the Occupation, Nippon propaganda painted glowing accounts of the exploits of the. Japanese forces throughout the course of their ephemeral ('Onquest in South East Asia, We may my that the Japanese, like their German colleagues, always took special concern in filming the authentic achievements of their strength for war. With such news in motion picture., they nourished the popular mind and in this manner, \Veil-nigh, succeeded in maintaining high the morale of their people-until the sudden collapse of Fascism took place in Europe and Japanese Imperialism in the Far East. Thus we have seen, for instance, the dramatic surrender of the English General Perc.ival, the. g-allant clefender of Sing-npore, in the presence of the arroJ!,"ant and severe Gen. Yamashita, the well-known "Tiger of Malaya" who was suhsequently "tamed in the Philippines." We were really terrified by the merciles:; surprise attack at Pearl Harbor at the break of day on Dee. 7, 1941 by a suicide squadron of Nippon plane bombers that carried out the savage onslaught while Pearl Harbor was still -asleep. It cannot be denied that these striking events, narrated to our people in the light of facts, brought about the demoralization in the passive resistance of the Filipinos, still conscious of their ine.vitable defeat in an unequal fight. In fact, not so fe,v of their most prominent citizens came to swear allegiance aftnwards-perhaps against their best wishes-before the powerful invaders of the Philippines, persuaded to a sure belief that the Americans shall never return. At that time we already ~aw the fall of the. Philippines, and soon after this, we learned of the capture of Singapore and othe.r British possessions in the Far East while Hollandia and eYen Burma· fell likewise before the irresistible Japanese assault. Many prominent Filipinos were entirely convinced of the fact that the Japanese were really inured to war and could win the strife at lea3t in the Far East, and they p1·edicted that the war would Just so long with disastrous effects for both powerful nations: the United States and the Japanese Empire. Now, it is clear that they were not so accurate in their mathematical processes upon the final outcome of the. war in the Orient. But, is it really illicit for those. Filipinos of mental fortitude to demand their political independence before the then masters of the situation who have conquered the Philippines by superior force? Is it high treason oi· unsung heroism? The kinetoscope, as an excellent means of effective propaganda, is of limitless possibilities to win a cause. Shortly before the war broke out, Charlie Chaplin, the wealthy Americ-an movie actor noted for his ludicrous style, almost single-handed, flattened Fascism in the United States. This is paradoxical. The American people were divided then into two camps on the burning question of isolation of the United States toward the Europenn turmoil. Charles Lindbergh, the young idol at that time of the American public, had already approached the microphone advocating the isolation of the United States. On the other hand, Benito Mussolini and Adolph Hitler had reached the summit of their total power and the whole world was in intense affliction for the war that was about to break out into a flaming fury. And Charlie Chaplin, suddenly, ~plit everyone's side with laughter when he came to stage himself, with his little mustache, as the "Dictator". In shoit, the famous American movie-actor who holds the distinction of having been decorated with the Prench Legion of Honor, succeeded, unque"stionably, to portray vividly the evils of dictatorship before the general pu'blic. The U. S. State Department had fully realized the capi. ta! importance of the movies in relation 4 1 what we call PROPAGANDA. A series of veritable accounts on the activ.' ="s of foreign espionage and other underground elements and the corresponding heroism of upright and dauntless public servants in bringing to light so great find cleverly contrived conspiracies ha.ve already been filed in the archives of the State Department in beautiful Hollywood productions. A sound and reliable motion picture instills in our mind great thing3. We still recall "The Sign of the Cross," the artistic "Quo Vadis" and the "Last Days of Pompeii" truthful reproductions of the classic aeon when the Christian tenet came fo1th to achieve victory over paganism. Nowadays, we use to hear still from the severe lips of many partial critics that th~ movies have led many of our young men and women int-0 perdition. They pronounce to be wrong such immoral acts in many a Hollywood production. It must be- pointed out, however, that a sinful aet, for instance, in a convincing argument is not to be omitted, indeed, or we should disfigure and disguise in its fairness the naked truth. We really believe that to fight the evil it is necessary for us to know it perfectly. Finally, it is well known that in a democratic form of government there are three powers, to wit, the Executive, the Legislative and the Judicial. It is said that the Press is the fourth power. If it is true that the movies agitate the popular mind and may as well develop and cultivate mentally and morally the toiling masses, we must admit then that the movies constitute in a democracY THE FIFTH POWER. Compliments of ROCES HERMANOS, INC. Operators of the IDEAL THEATRE MANILA March, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 19 "THE RAMPARTS WE WATCH" By F. B. FABROS. Capt. Inf. (RES) 1111 HAT the Philippine Republic is geographically and UJI politically within the contagion of any likely war of world scope, is widely the accepted notion that greatly influence our insular defense mindedness. Because the possibility of an involving war has not yet dimmed from our current horizon and its threat is as re&l a thing as Communism, our position leaves us no choice but to grow a defense establishment. And this we have been doing out of what the Republic inh~rited in military appertenance from the late Commonwealth of the Philippines. Our army reserve system found life in 1936 under the National Defense Act approved December 21, 1935, It is predicated on the concept of an adequately figured and trained civilian reserve to rally around and back up a small compatible regular force that is the composite of all arms and services. It is not a perfect ideal but it is the next best thing in defense pe1mitted 'by our financial circumstance in the absence of and in our inability to run continually an expensive regular force of a preponderance and containing effectiveness that may allow us enough of the invaluable time we need meanwhile that we organize, arm and stage new divisions to score the telling decision in an active hostility. The resumption and continuing maintenance of our regular and reserve forces to the relative standard, in size and capability, that we would like to see them from year to year is not without a great strain to our national coffer. Closely as it can be figured out from past fiscal budgets, 23 to 26¢ for every peso of tax collected is paid to defense annuall,y. Still, with all these troubles and sufferance that we forego, we can't boast of any claim to even only what may be considered a poor approach to impregnability. This, perhaps, gives those who would rather champion a state of neutrality for any form of defense spending their one and biggest argument. But then, be it that we can't get close to attaining such a warding perfection, impregnability is only a relative conception upon the certain state of which even those who believe they possess it can't be so sure they have it. Where it was one time thought possible of achievement, it now becomes a mere phantom of the great military bastions before 1941. Where it was one time a prized gift of defense many a nation may feel secure at the like of having it, this thing of yesterday has run out of all its qualicy of any practical containment that no country now, not even the United States of America, can claim to a possession of this prized estate and rest comforted by it. All at once the life and meaning of impregmlbility is subconsciously projected into the mind of even the most isolationist of states as a thing possible of attainment only on the concept of a global inter-defense scheme hmong nations where each country in a group has to share <' task and do its utmost for the common group defens~ to counter th\~ aggresive manifestation of another group. Nu doubt, the Philippines is with the Democracies. This gives us a vital responsibilit.Y we owe to ourselves and the entire group that well serves as the unassailable reason and native will to our continuing defense payments where the thought of selfimpregnability we cannot own should not be a precursor of the rebellious influence of doubtfulness and indecision ir. our efforts at preparedness. There are those of us who grew a feeling for an ideal state of neutrality similar or close to a counterpart of Swit:z.erland. It is argued that in this wise, besides avoiding the a~esome and ugly consequences of be:lligerence, the Republic can save every centavo from all items of defense in our yearly budget to be diverted to more vital and productive channels of activity. ~his is a haven to a losing optimist which sadly cannot be encouraged because of the willful dictate of the order of our age when totalitarian motif renders all hope for a state of neutrality untenable. · Switzerland has the fortune of being the exception to thi3 world order by mere accident of convenience not entirel.y her own but as profitably shared by powers at war: She is, in an all-embracing hostility, the anciently established gaming table where warring states may deal their cards in all sorts of diplomatic negotiations, intrigues, and propaganda that they could not otherwise proJcct but thru neutral quarters. By any other reason, that enviable mountain of peace is as open to the hungry jaw of hostil~ design. Remote as it is for the Philippines to tie anothe:· Switzerland without disowning our Occidental upbringings and native sympathy for things democratic and catholic, it is now more so remote with the promise of Clark Field and Olongapo to any power apathetic to any form of Americanism in our side of this globe. These two adversions the reverse panels of which others are prone to utilize as the arguments against are the very solid reasons for the undeviating wisdom of the resumption and improvement of the Commomn·alth blueprint of defense by the Republic. The presentation of these points, however, is not so much to justify that which already exist and is being undertaken as it is to find the advice for the need of ferreting out our gro\ving want for a ready capacicy to stage a general mobilization. This brings us straight to the tract of the subject matter of this article. The Extensive Implication of Mobilization. - From an active nucleus provided by our small regular standing ar· my to the actual transformation of our defense forces out of our civilian reserves into divisions and h:sk groups of battle effectiveness in the face of .actual am!ed campaigns, the institution of a general mobilization ol cur man anrl material is the draw bridge between. Mobilization then becomes a national concern we have growint, out of our civilian army pattern of defense. Simply !'aid, it is the established channel of procurement of our man power and material and the delivery of these items by oui· civil institution to the Army. It is, in fact, a process the undertaking of which can only be had succesfu\ly with the military, the civil institution, the industry, the agrarian eco· nomics, all public utilities, the skills and professions, etc., working as a solid team in a national feat of defense in the face of a war crisis. For the nation to turn inc9mpetent and fail to mobilize in time its reserves, bring this inco· herent mass of living beings to behavior and figthing shape, and predispose it to proper battle inertia ready to. offer a telling resistance to the aggression, is to fail miserably Page 20 THE MANILA GUARDIAN March, 1950 altogether in putting up any defense. To mobilization planners, it is an affair of inexhaus· tive study and planning where rest the success or failure of the entire reserve structure of the land. It is twoway involved: It comprehends not onl,y the actual warringassets of the nation; a great deal of study in is formulation is diverted to the potential-the mere foreseeable which can only be drawn down into a circumspect chart for thf' exclu;ive reserve of the military with the keen foresight of an expert business counselor predicting a market. Between the actual and potential, mobilization will be a well powered delivery machine serving the end of the military if it were to rely more on the former and but to a minor extent, or not at all, on the latter. Sad to say, however, the Republic can today make no boast but to count on neglected actual assets and far from properly assayed potential for a mobiliiation exigency that may crop up, say six months or on-! year or even more from now. (Formosa may not bring us this exigency, buf: we may at least be warned by it to mend our fence). For a mobilization plan to be worthy of reliance, ·it must, perforce, obtain a capacity of attaining direction, liquidity, energy for maximum effective operation, and completion within the shortest prescribed schedule. Over and above all consideration, it must be well-advised about the nation's actual potential mobilizing assets, and practical and thorough in an exceptional degree in the manner materials are fitted in their highest rate of availability and usefulness into its scheme. Because its practical operation to a stage as an active primer of our defense organization rumage deeply into the province of civil concern, its basic strncture need to rise to a level of understanding in both the army and civilian circles to the extent they are respectively involved without detriment to measures of military security. For the purpose of a less trying survey, it may do us well to delete our nlobilization perspective into its less involved aspect-and begin asking ourselves a few number of native questions. This will prune our picture into the small confine of a layman's seeing glass but is nevertheless the vital portion of the view that, failing to see it rightly and make for proper adjustment in time, will make the entire process of mobilization, nay the whole defense structure, a useless shamble. Mobilization As n Civil Function. - Mobilization is a civil function serving the end of the military. The army has for its mission the defense of the state, but it becomes the duty of the civil branch of our government to provide the military with the means in man and materials without which it cannot achieve its mission. For this matter, we have only to recognize· the importnat role that our civil government, especially the city, provincial, and municipal government, have in our set-up of defense. . The duties of the city, provincial and municipal officials begin with the registration of our ma1:-power every year and when the r,:!servists have been gathered and delivered to the army on mobilization day. In between these inclusive occasions, and after a reservist has been deactivated fro~ training or army camp and asf>igned to the available roster of the reserve force, these local officiali; keep address of this reservist by registering him, contacting him from time to time, and informing the result of these check-ups to the nearest army authorit)' for the latter to be always posted of the correct and up-to-date in·· formation about him for the 'benefit of both ends. The success or failure of procuring and invoicing the reservists for and to the army in the event of a mobilization largely depend on the thoroughness with which our local civil authorities have maintained contact with each and all of them from the time they are placed in the available roster of our army reserve. This vital role that our civil branch has to undertake in the interest of mobilization presents a p~cture that only too obstinately call for the need of gearing all officials concerned to their mobilization duties. To this late da,y, how· ever, any impartial bystander can dare tc (!Uestion ho, .. extended the defense authority have projectea liaisons with and for the executive branch of the government to circularize and make definitely aware all civil officials of thei1 respective role in this mobilization as civil function, anti check up how much are these civil officials complying with any and all these circulars and directives. This performance appears a mere small matter, properly attended; but it is a task of great and irreparable consequence, neglected. Man Power Availability. - It is the concensus dbservation that the Republic can make available for mobilization from 250,000 to 300,000 strongs from out of the combined personnel availability of the remnant of our prewar reserve force, the deactivated recognized guerrilla troops, the ROTC and six-to-eleven months graduated trainees, entirely freed from the AFP and PC standing active strengths, the CDDs and other unfits, as well as from volunteered services which can further bring this combined strengths to an increase of from 25 to 50 thousands, well timed and properly recruited. Theoretically, therefore, the · Phili)Jpines can call promptly to service 350,000 troops, more or less, enough to personnel 16 divisions of full str.wgth, battle tested and trained and with but a very minor interspersion of recruits, if ever. But this figure is only good as a figure to premise upon not too solidly. Granting that we have every need of mobilization solved but this problem of availalblc man-power, there is still the salient consideration that wiil do us well to look into: Out reserve force, while it may have, or has in the making, a super table of organization, yet it has ·not pieced and fitted into this table this idle asset in man. While the remnant from the pre-war reserve force, the graduated ROTC, and graduated six-to-elE.ven months trainees whose combined strength ma,y not rise above onethird the entire availables, have been or are fast being fitted in and assigned to units of our reserve force contained in the as yet problematical table of organization, ther~ seems to be no conceivable move to break dow11, reorganize, and assign to units the deactivated recognized guerrillas of the land. If there ever is one, it has the unpardonable sluggishness of the indecision of one who doubt the wisdom of the action. This bring to questions the aptness of Executive Order No. 70 of the 1947 series declaring "civil?an volunteer;; who were member.<i of duly recognized gue..rrilla units as having the equivalent training of those who have completed trainee instruction and as constituting a part of the Reserw Units." Perhaps the whole thing does not allow of any practical implementation without casting a serious effect on the discipline, morale, and training standard of the whole reserve body. Where its implemention is as it is being crried out by the army now, it looks like a great pait of these recognized guerrillas will have to be. left behind from available rosters and remain idle in casF of anothe;· war. It may also be perhaps the military ·authority have not onl,y anived at the best and most feasible way of working out the implementation of this executive order. But whichever is the true case, it becomes th£ duty of our defense authority to work out and advert, if it need advert· ing, to the Executive or to Congress, a suggiestion believed more tpractical and feasible than how far it can go at conserving and making the best use of members of recognized guerrilla units under the purposes and authority ·of Exe· cutive Order No. 70. These days of fast moving events, time is a luxury we may pay for dearly sooner or later. Neither can a defense allow for haphazardness. Where a need for the whole and effective service of these gurrillas March, 1950 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Page 21 is anticipated under the strong and unassailable reasons, provisions and anticipator.y steps for their wise, orderly and just use must be provided. Too, there was more than good reason for the late President Manuel Roxas to have taken counsel on the early continuation of the draft and military training program for our youths where it was left in 1941. Actuations of the present administration .'.l!so point clearly that it has every intention of continuing and improving upon the same c11deavor. But, as a whole, the tempo of training and cf· fort to build up more pockets of reserves has not been given nor is it being given the emphasis commensurable with· our present-day increasing need for a bigger and strong reserve. So much so, that, failing to have provide·! for this a year or two ago as would have amounted to the small and little noted drain of a,n installment plan, a bu<lgetery request to step up training now to its pre-war level will turn prohibitive, considering our national resources, in accumulation, a wringing item that allows for no sacrifice of a single peso in its imperativeness, and a head-line P!'Oblem in its desperate abruptness. Nor, as yet, has the government made a catalogu~ survey of the availability of the various professions, especialists, and the technical and skilled hands of the country to be fitted into and given a role in a one-movement order in case a mobilization demand. These social elements constitute a definitely vital strata of our man-powe;· and, un12ss they are regimented the earlier with the whole, given a place and definite assignment in th~ plan of defense, they cannot be in the processing line on mobilization day. Our country has a tangible figure to envisage upon its ability to raise a good number of divisions and other task groups within a year or so from now. But the aggregate of all our compounding neglects and deficiencies in read.Ying this strength for a short notice mobilization call has so reduced our competence that we can hardly attain a thing but confusion if an early remedy is not meted present situation. And it will not be without an unforgivable disorder and embarrassment on our part if \V( face a war crisis with all the arms, munition and equipment that th<! US may to a generous measure assist us only to 1·ealize at a sad and late hour our degenerate incompetence to mobilize out' man-power at the very propitious mom2nt. This sorry mess will not be of any good but the initial and disastrous failure of any defense effort we may spring· out in the unexpected emergence of a war. illaterial A va.ilability.-Material, in its full military sense, is too embracing a term. It at once bring to meaning all that the army .has on invoice from sewing needles to B-29. It is the baggage, provision, mu!1ition, and fuel of the army. Even as material is the first and last vital need of the army, so is it the concern of moi:iil;zation in the sense that the capacity to requisition fol' the man-po"·ei· of the land increases or decreases in proportion to the quantity and continuing availability of this essential. Perhaps, beside the US-PI Military Assistance Agreement which count as a major factor in facing the material need of our defense, mobilization have less concern to know about the resources of the arm,y toward this respect as it is bettel' kept confidential in the interest ·of security-that is, if there is really anything to keep confidential about. Housing, clothing and subsistence which a1c not part and within the meaning of the military assistance agTecmcnt. and, therefore, are entirely left to the imm~diate resource,~ of the country, could perhaps be met the Jap style should instant mobilization catch up with us without ample time given the authority to prepare, or no effort reached at to make th2se things in immediate readiness. But this step should be taken only as the last and exceptional resort rather than the outlined rule to follow. Much can be said about material and still not said lengthly, It is so eminently expendable and is fo«::, continuing need of any military operation from mobili:i.:ation to demobilization that it intimately more become a native concern of the army rather than of inobilization, pe.r se. If it shares an essay in here, it is only in the understood sense that one calling a mobilization must have provided for the supply of this want otherwise the reserve force requisitioned to active status will lbe of no means and use at all. In passing, a thing or two need be said about the USP! Military Assistance Agreement. It is for the PI to 1noject an <!arly move with the US for the timely implementation of this assistance agreement had between them to the least extent that the latter may release anc!. invoice to the entire disposition of the former the arm equip· ments, the munitions, and the care and maintenance needs of these arms and munitions, of at least 200,000 containing troops of the combined arms and services for on.e year at any one time, as well as make ready and available on short date requisition the like arms facilities of a reinforcing strength of 200,000 to .~00,000, for the duration of an actual operation necessity as may occur. T:i attain this is having made a well-.earned job that can best assure our chances to spring a timely move against any hostile encroachment of our shores. Public Utilities in the Service of Mobili::atwn. - If we stage a mobilization, the reservists have to be located from their individual isolation in the civil life of 20 millions, collected from near and far away points all over the cour.try, and moved until they are finally delivered. to the military for mustering in and disposition. The traffic will hi" of such a magnitude that its chart will hav~ tl~e pattern of a giant spider web flung across the land and water of the Philippines. Its tJtop-<ind-go signal will direct conveyance;; from the two centavo mailing stamp to the ·biggest coastwise sailing vessel of Philippine license, and its mode ()( fare will be in the form of reservist transportation slip3 or government travel orders, movipg all at once in all sen Janes and highways of the counb~y. Compliments of THE PHILIPPINE BANK OF COMMERCE MANILA' PHILIPPINES ¥ Cable Address: BANKMER BRANCHES: Far Eastern University Philippine College of Commerce and Business Administration Page 22 THE MANILA GUARDIAN Manh, 1950 We have behind us the lesson of Hl41 an<l we can im· prove much upon that lesson in carrying 01..1t the traffic movement of our scattered reservists. We have the same postal, telephone and telegraph, and the better equipped, expanded and improved nets of wireless to direct the traffic. Our land, 'vater and air transportation are also now with better and increased equipments, and c~n be brought into the service of mobilization and continuing defense necessity. No doubt, all can be immeasurably utilized to serve the procurement and delivery end of our man-powe1 to the army, this time, schooled and more efficient. But, again, this ferret out how much thf' defense authority has move toward a direction of lining up, acquainting, and bringing these national equipment into ready availability in the interest of mobilization or al'my use. It is doubtful that there is any. We know of no significant measure taken by those in authority to reduce this orohlf!m and work it out to the highest advantage of the military. We cannot be too early about this thing, as in all others, under the international clouds. that we arc iu these days. The Receiving Disposition of the Anny, - Whim material is made available and the man-power is collected and delivered to the a1my, mobilization as a civil function ceases. From there the arnw administration takes over. But for the army to be in the position to take over, it must have, perforce, provided for the adequatC' installation of mobilization and training centers all ovcr the country for the l'eception and refresher training of the reservists. At these places the rese1·vists will be sheltered, fed, clothe•1 and equipped, and cared of health meanwhile that they undergo the change to make them ship-shape for final direction to their divisional cantonments or to battle stations. Rightly putting it, this is the phase where general mobilizations anchor ultimately. The military authority have, perhaps, mapped out and designated the sites.of these mobilization and training cent~rs. But are these centers equipped and prepared to receive reservists? Equipping and preparing of these installations is not limited to the quartering facilities of men and officers but extended as far as meanil~g ready and competent camp complements to operate and administer these centers, ready stores with adequate stocks for imme· diate and continuing issuance, and ready trains and convoy units essential to troops and suppl.y movements. Winding up.-Scarcely :i year and a half after the Philippine Gommonwealth started the program of nationvl defense, it saw fit to stage, and as a matter r·f fact it successfully staged, a practice mobilization. From then it carried it on from year to year until in 194J, beyond the expectation of even th~ most advised in the government, the Commonwealth was complemented for its efforts the past four years in the descent of the need of a real and wa1· caused mobilization. The sign of the t;me that ha,J influenced our government then to take those early steps to gear for mobilization is not more telling than as it is now. Neither is the cost of holding one, relatively with our sta~ of finance then and our finance now, less prohibitive than it is now. It is only the masterhig sense that a practice mobilization is the ultimate thesis with which to grade our reserve system of training from year to year that so inspired our military planners at that time to stage those dry runs. Yet, this is the fourth year of the Republic, and the fifth since liberation ,wd our reestablishment; it is a bit alarmingly striking that we ha\'(' not one practice mobilization to rate the cohesive soundness and efficiency of our reserve upon whicl! we can only rely in its possession of that wielded state. To wind up, this is what last we may hoJJC our military policy makers and defense planners ma:1 have in mim: to lbe g·uided by: The implication of our H:scn'c systc>tli of national defense essays a concept that the rescrvc branc~i Elias .... (Continued from page 17) it should be so, for neither you nor I would wish to hear our children lament our love, which would only bequeath them misery. You dO well to go to the house of your relatives. Forget me, forget a love so mad and futile. Perhaps you'll meet there one who is not like me." uElias !" exclaimed the girl reproachfully. "You have misunderstood me. In my· words, there is no complaint against you. Take my advice, go home to your relatives ... Here you have no one but me, and the day when I fall into the hands of my ptlrsuers, you will be left alone and alone for the rest of your life. Improve your youth and beauty to get a good husband, such as you deserve, for you don't' know what it is to live among men." "I was thinking that you might go with me." "Alas!" rejoined Elias shaking his head. 11 Impossible, and more so than ever. . . I haven't yet found what I came here to seek-it's impossible! Today I forfeited my liberty." He related the incidents of the picnic and fish· ing expedition that morning, and told her how Crisostomo Ibarra saved his life from the jaws of a caym.an (crocodile). He was so grateful, and vowed that he would repay the good deed of Ibarra, even though it would cost him his life, He said that anywhere he woul<l go, even in Mindoro, the past would still be discovered. "Well, then," Salome said to him as she Looked at him tenderly, jj At least after I am gone, live here, live in this house. It wi11 make you remember me and I will not think in that distant land that the hurricane has carried my hut into the water. When my thougths turn to these shores, that memory of you and of my house will appear to me together. Sleep where I have slept and dreamed-it will be as though I were beside you ... " "Oh!" exclaimed Elias, waving his hand in desperation. "Woman, you'll make me forget." Freeing himself from the girl's clasp, he left nastily and was soon lost amid the lengthening shadows of the trees now silent and still at twilight. Salome followed his. fleeing form with her gaze, as she stood listlesslr,.i listening to the sound of his footsteps that slowly faded away. of our armed forces does not exist for the regular branch but, rather, the regular exist mainly owing to and for the reserve. The regular can only find the reflection of its soundness and readiness to meet a war eme:-gency in the cohesive and responsive soundness of the rese,·vc for which it exist. There stands absolutely no motive at all -to maintain a regular standing force in our inability to maintain, preserve to usefulness, and provide for the <:<dequate ant1 timely transformation of the reserve from its civ·il isola tion to a muss of rollin,£\· divisions nnli t:1sl, l-',Toup.-: fo,· effective defense. /I~ .. ·~'""'~~! ~. µf#(l·f"""· ~At your International Ha rves+er Dea I er Famous Empire Plows ~::~~=~~~~°:.~ ~)" nwnt lnfrrm1tional lndustrial Powt>r Int1•rnational 1.i4 :Uarq1wz de Comillas Trul'ks Jnfrrna1ional lfrfri:\lanlla 1-:"t'ralion. PCCBA .,, * * .,, * * anno1uu:c.-; the opcnin{J of the 4th (Jtuirl<'I' in the foflo1cinu eolleyt's and dcpnrf111cnis ('0'.\l:\IEH('E LIBt:HAL ARTS J<:IHTATIOX ~Ol<'IAL SCHOOL SF.C'lrnTAHIAL UEPT. mL\IH'ATE . ..;CJIOOL RL').,dst1·;_1tion beg-ins April L 19:50 Classes stal"t April 17, l!l:JO OTHER COURSES OFFERED (Semestral) DENTISTRY PHARMACY F. DAI.CPA:-\ l'rcsidcn1 HIGH SCHOOL THREE KINGS WHISKEY ''" tkhn<'~s and s11pr1b <1•rnlit~. i!s distinct f[a, ,,,. and lini::rrins:: tas1e THllEE Kl="GS a !rnh Only skill and many YC<U-' ,.( '"'l>Clicnce in likndinrr n•n pnJ<luce such i:-ood whiskrr: an honor to sn-c C\Cn to the disuiminn!in;:-. LA TONDENA INC. 618-6;)2 F.l'hni.:-uP, :uanila TPI. 3-26-10 University of Sto. Tomas THE CATHOLIC U'.\l"IVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES A:'-INOUKCEMENT • Institute Of Spanish • Institute Of Religious Culture • Course In Chinese Culture • Graduate Course Leading To l\!. A. In Social Service 1ifras<' co11111111uicale ·11:ith the Sccr1·"11 !I I _I COMPLIMENTS OF !If;;-- NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT COMPA~ --~ Pweza, Sta, l\.lesa, l\.la.nlla PIONEER IN PHILIPPINE INDUSTRIES WE SUPPLY: "':lr ,\.,~ch Surplus Goods~ Cotton textiles and Yarn ]\fen and 'Vomcn's Shoe.">' as well as leather ~md ~hoc materials Machinery & Tractor Spare Parts Indu . .,lri:tl Trucks "'archou.<.;c Trailers Spare Parts for: Cranes and sho\'cls Dozcrs :md roud gradiers Rock Crushcr.'4 Soil Pipe.-; & Fittings ).[echanic's Too) . ., Air Compressors Block.... & 'l':tcklcs Power Units 'Vatcr puriffralion units 'Veil drilling machines Outboard motors ).[achincry purls "'ire Rope Cables llall an<l. Roller Bearings "'.elding Rods W,clding rods (;ate valves ~-----To haslcn the rehabilitation :md dc\·clopmcnt of our national economyWE ALLOCATE AND DISTRIBUTE AT NOMINAL-COST llcparation Tools (lathe.'>', milling machines, drills shapers, presses, etc.) \\' c .-.t·ll Trad ors fo1· th(' ll!;C of Farm.er.-.· and Lumht•rmcu In linl~ wilh LIH'. policy of tht· (~on·rnmenl lo encourag-1• parlil'ipalion of printt,e <'apital in lhe country's econo mi<: developmentWE E:\'l'EHTAIN (Jl'J'El\S TO BUY ENTIRE PLANTS: Pulp and Paper J>Jant (Mandaluyong) Insular Sugar Refining Corp. (:Mandaluyong) Can ".\laking Plant (Purcza Compound) T('xlile ".\Iills (Purcza Compound) SUBSIDIARIES Xatiunal Food Products Corporation C.eliu Jlortland Cement Company h1snlar Sup;ar RPfining• Corporatio11 l'iinll'd b; "HE'.\ll'AYO l'ln:s:;",