Panorama

Media

Part of Panorama

Title: Panorama
Issue Date: Volume XIX (Issue No. 2) February 1967
Year: 1967
Language: English
Rights
extracted text: mI {ellw 'ftyiMi: PANORAMA needs intelligent readers off: 1. Informative materials 2. Interesting ideas 3. Enlightening opinions 4. Broadening views 5. Controversial thoughts 6. Critical comments 7. Idealistic suggestions 8. Humorous remarks 9. Serious statements 10. Meditations on life and work. All these are either original productions or selective adap tions and condensations from Philippine and foreign publica tions. Usually brief and compact, lasting from two A ten minutes to read, each article offers a rewarding experUhce in one’s moments of leisure. Relax with Panorama. We say this to the busy student and the teacher, the lawyer and the physician, the dentist and the engineer, the executive and the farmer, the politician and the preacher, the employer and the employee. PANORAMA is specially designed for Filipinos — young, middle-ag£d, and old, male and female, housekeeper and houselizard. Special rates for new and renewal subscriptions to begin on November 1, 1966: 1 copy ..................................... 1 year ..................................... 2 years ................................... Foreign rate: .......................... 50 centavos P5.00 P9.00 $3.00 (U. S.) For .one year’s subscription of 5 pesos, a person receives the equivalent of 12 compact pocketbooks of lasting value and and varied interest. COMMUNITY PUBLISHERS, INC. Inverness, (M. Carreon) St., Sta. Ana, Manila, Philippines Vol. XIX TMI PNIUPPINt MAGAZINE OF GOOD BEADING Entered as second class mail matter at the Manila Post Office on Dec. 7, 1955 MANILA, PHILIPPINES No. 2 EDUCATION, FREEDOM, SECURITY Education is “liberal” in proportion as it assists in the formation of a personal will, develops the faculty <jf choice, and furnishes that faculty with a rich reservoir of estimated possibilities. It enables the individual to choose for himself, circumspectly and wisely. It is opposed to such education as merely fits the individual for a form of activity that is chosen for him by others, or is the re sult of circumstances beyond his control. Ideally it means that every career should be a vocation. * * * Choosing is a burdensome privilege, from which men shrink, and for which they need to be prepared. It means something to speak of “being relieved from the necessity of choosing.” There is a rivalry between the cult of secu rity and the cult of freedom — being looked out* for, and looking out for oneself. Which goes to prove, if further proof were needed, that American democracy requires effort, and is not a comfortable refuge or a line of least resistance. — Ralph Barton Perry in American Democracy. ■ The following is an address of current interest and significance delivered by the Hon. Jose B. Laurel, Jr., Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines, February 13, 1967. THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION AND CONGRESS IN THE PHILIPPINES I am .strongly in favor of the reexamination of our Constitution with a view to making it more responsive to present needs and reflec tive" of our status as an in dependent country. And, un less we propose to consider only a few isolated changes, I feel that the task should be undertaken not by Con gress but by a constitutional convention. As I said in a privileged speech almost tweaty years ago, changing the'fiSflStitution by means of a Constitutional conven tion would be more democra tic than by mere congres sional action. The reason is that it would give the people an opportunity to directly choose the delegates for the particular task qf restudying the Constitution, and for this task only. Direct interference by those who, for the mo ment, are well entrenched by the political departments of the government can be mi nimized if not avoided. However, I cannot agree with the proposal to make senators and representatives ex officio delegates to the proposed convention. In my humble opinion this arrange ment would be violative of the Constitution besides be ing politically unwise. Article VI, Section 16 of the Constitution decrees inter alia that “no Senator or Member of the House of Re presentatives may hold any other office or employment in the Government without forfeiting his seat.” To my mind, this provision is a sweeping prohibition against the concurrent holding by members of Congress of their seats both as legislators and as delegates to the constitu tional convention. There is a similar provi sion in the Constitution of the United States after which 2 Panorama our own was patterned, but it must be noted that ours is wider in scope and, there fore, stricter in its prohibi tion. The rule in the United States applies only to the holding of "any office" in the government but our own Constitution embraces not only offices but even mere employment. Consequently, none of us in the Legislature can be employed, in, say, even a temporary and clerical position in the government, much less an office, which is essentially permanent and discharges sovereign func tions, without abandoning his seat in Congress. I maintain that member ship in the constitutional convention is an office of the highest order and, therefore, should come within the terms of Article VI, Section 16, of the Constitution. A public office, according to Professor Mechem, is "the right, authority and duty created and conferred by law by which for a given period, either fixed by law or en during at the pleasure of the creating power; an individual is invested with some portion of the sovereiign functions of the government, to be exer cised by him for the benefit of the public." According to Professor Sinco, in his standard work on Philippine Political Law, at p. 44 of its Eleventh Edition, a constitu tional convention is "a part of the existing government” charged with the specific duty of "framing a constitution or revising the existing const i t u t i o n, or formulating amendments to it.” I cannot understand how some people can seriously contend that the position of delegate to the Constitutional Convention is not an office in the government of the Republic of the Philippines. Conformably to Section 2 of the Revised Administrative Code, "functions of govern ment are exercised” by it and the highest form of “political authority is made effecfUVe” through it, much more im periously, in f a c t, than through the other depart ments. Doubtless, vdien the Constitution qualified the words “office or employment" with the phrase “in the Gov ernment," it meant merely to specify public as distin guished from private offices, such‘as those in the National Coconut Corporation, as an nounced by the Supreme Court in Bacani v. National February 1967 3 Coconut Corporation. It cer tainly did not mean to ex clude from its scope member ship in the Constitutional Convention, a public office of the most exalted kind. Now, it is to be noted that the constitutional provision in question does not distin guish among the different kinds of offices, which means that all of them, without ex ception, are intended to be covered by the prohibition. Ubi lex non distinguit nec non distinguere debemus. The suggestion that per diems be given to delegates who do not receive any salary from the government and none to those who do, would make the same position lucra tive in some cases and honor ary in others — a queer situa tion, indeedl But this would makle no> difference. It is well-settled that compensa tion is not an indispensable element of a public office and that a person holding a position in the public service may be a public officer even if he serves without com pensation. Let us not for a moment think that a per diem is not compensation simply because it is not paid by the month or by the year like a regular salary. In fact, a per diem can even be more lucrative than a fixed salary. Assuming that the posi tions whlich legislators will assume in the convention are not offices in the constitu tional sense — and this I deny — they would still constitute employment in the sense of the Constitution and there fore within the constitutional prohibition. On this point, let me say that I do not agree with the view that em ployment is inferior to an of fice because the word employ ment is broad enough to cover the term office. Every office is an employment although not every employment is an office. In any event, looked at either as an office or as an employment,-the participation of legislators in the constitu tional convention while con currently sitting as members of Congress would be viola tive of the fundamental law. I realize that there are no precedents to guide us on this important question either here or in the United States. Neither our Constitution nor the Federal Constitution has been revised by means of a convention. In the long his tory of the United States, all amendments were proposed 4 Panorama by Congress and ratified by the state legislatures, except the twenty-first amendment, by which Prohibition was re pealed, which was allowed to be ratified by state legisla tures or state conventions. In the Philippines all five amendments — i.e., the 1939 amendments adopted pur suant to the Tydings-Kocialkowski Act, the 1940 changes replacing the National As sembly with the Congress of the Philippines, shortening the President’s term of office from 6 to 4 years but with one re-election, and creating the Commission on Elections, as well as the so-called Parity Amendment of 1947 — were proposed by congressional ac tion and ratified in plebis cites. This circumstance certain ly complicates our problem and should warn us that we are treading on dangerous ground by insisting on giving members of Congress ex of ficio membership in the Constitutional Convention. What would happen if, in a proper case, our Supreme Court should declare that the members of the legislature who have taken the oath as delegates to the constitu tional convention have auto matically forfeited their seats in Congress? Would this not have the effect of practically, if not completely, dissolving the legislative branch of our government? And who then would certify to the existence of vacancies in Congress to enable the President to call a special election to fill said vacancies? Who would pro vide the necessary funds for the holding of said election? I am not unmindfurof the recognized exception to this provision, which is, that members of Congress may hold another office or em ployment in the government, without forfeiting their seaits if the second position can be justified as in aid of their legislative functions. To be sure, a number of legislators have, without ceasing as such participated in interna tional conferences or nego tiations as representatives of the President of the Philip pines or as members of such bodies as the National Eco nomic Council and the Board of Regents of the University of the Philippines. Never theless, I believe that mem bership in a constitutional convention is highly incom patible with membership in the legislature, for only by February 1967 5 the widest stretch of the ima gination can we consider the former as in aid of legislative duties. And neither can we say the membership in the constitutional convention is a mere extension of the con gressional office for indeed, the framing or revision of the fundamental law is a so vereign function of the high est order and cannot in any sense be considered subordi nate to the task of enacting ordinary legislation. In fact, it is very doubtful whether, in the absence of express constitutional au thority, Congress can propose amendments to our noble charter. Ordinary law-mak ing power does not cover the constituent power to estab lish or institute government which is a function inherent, in the sovereign people. On the other hand, the constitu tional convention, once con vened, can overhaul the en tire structure of the govern ment, including the legisla tive department, subject, of course, to ratification by the people; and, while acting within the scope of its au thority, it is not subject to the control of the Executive, to judicial review by the Supreme Court, or to the in terference of the legislature. Yet, direct legislative inter ference is exactly what would result if members of Congress were allowed to sit as ex officio delegates to the cons titutional convention. Furthermore, it should be recalled that under Article VI, Section 9, of the Consti tution, Congress is required to meet in regular session on the fourth Monday of Jan uary each year, and herein lies another constitutional objection. For while it is true that the constitutional convention may be made to start its session during the congressional recess, there is absolutely no guaranty that it will be able to conclude its task before it meets in re gular session the following year, not to speak of the pos sibility that Congress may be called into special session by the President. While it is true that only an irresponsi ble President will call a spe cial session simply to embar rass the members of Congress, the urgent need for such ses sion may arise -while the con vention is functioning. At any rate, the possibility is there. In such a case, con gressmen and senators would be confronted with the dif 6 Panorama ficult problem of having to choose between attending the sessions of Congress or the sessions of the constitutional convention. And if they should prefer the latter, the Congress would have to be immobilized for lack of quo rum and it would be doubt ful if they could be arrested and compelled to attend the sessions of Congress if they should be attending the deli berations of the constitu tional convention which is expected to be endowed with a similar authority to compel attendance of its members. A final legal point is that under Article XV of the Constitution Congress is al lowed to amend the funda mental law either by con gressional action only or by callihg a constitutional con vention. If it is our desire to propose such amendments to the Constitution as we may choose, we may do so, but this should be done by us directly and without re sorting to the alternative of holding a convention. The use of the disjunctive or rules out the adoption of a third or any other additional me thod, like the proposal to amend the Constitution through a convention with Congress as an ex officio ad junct thereof. There is cer tainly no reason why we should depart from the tra ditional mode of constituting a convention and undertake to authorize what the Cons titution does not intend or contemplate. In fact, a study of the constitution of various states in the United States will show that, as in our case and that of the Federal Cons titution, the memberships of their respective constitutional conventions do not include the members of their legis latures, even as ex officio de legates. I am much impressed by the argument that if Con gress had full legal authority to specify the membership of the convention, then it could empower even private citi zens, such as the presidents of civic organizations, to sit as delegates. If we are to agree with this hypothesis, then we could also legally provide that only members of Congress shall sit as dele gates to the convention, thereby nullifying the alter native methods of amending our Constitution as indicated in Article XV. This would February 1967 7 also run counter to thq, doc trine emphasized by Judge Jameson that the legislature itself may not name the dele gates to constitute the con vention, for it might name a committee of its own mem bers or some other small body which is likely to be “subser vient to the power which created it.” ‘Furthermore, such a scheme would militate against the philosophy of this article, which envisions a constitutional convention to be composed of delegates elected by the people for the specific purpose of amending the Constitution. There is no better way of ascertain ing and reflecting the popu lar will than through popu lar election. From the political stand point, there are also a num ber of objections worthy of our attention. First of all, it should be noted that if we were to add to the regular delegates of the convention the 128 mem bers of the legislature, the convention would have a to tal membership of 326 under the proposal, if we are to elect two regular delegates per congressional district. And if we should include the surviving delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1935, as well as the eleven justices of the Supreme Court, as suggested in certain quarters, we would have 115 additional members, further increasing the membership of the new convention to 431, which is certainly more than twice the number of dele gates who constituted the original convention. The re sult would be an extremely cumbersome body that, more likely than not, would be un able to perform its vital task systematically and with des patch. Finally, t h e important point should never be over looked that if the election of delegates is to be held this year, and all the members of the legislature are included as ex officio members of the convention, all the congress men and no less than sixteen members of the Senate will have infiltrated the Conven tion without a clear and fresh mandate from the elec torate to participate in the task of changing the Consti tution. This is so because only eight members of the Senate will be chosen with local officials this coming Panorama November. And if the sug gestion to include the sur viving delegates of the ori ginal constitutional conven tion and the eleven Justices of the Supreme Court is ac cepted, then we shall have no less than 131 members in the proposed constitutional convention who shall be without any direct authority from the people to revise the Constitution. And, if only one delegate per congres sional district is elected, these will be outnumbered by exofficio members. As pointed out in In re Opinion to the Governor, 178 A. 433, in answer to the question, among others, of whether or not the legisla ture could provjide that the general officers of the state shall by virtue of their of fices be iriembers of the cons titutional convention: “A constitutional con vention is an assembly of the people themselves act ing through their duly elected delegates. The delegates in such an assem bly must therefore come from the people who choose them for this high purpose and this purpose alone. They cannot be im posed upon the convention by any other authority. Neither the Legislative nor any other department of the government has the power to select delegates to such a convention. *The delegates elected by and from the people, and only such delegates, may and of right have either a voice or a vote therein. “xxx/No one not a dele gate, no matter how exalt ed his station in the exist ing government can be as sured either a voice or a vote in such a convention unless he comes there with a commission from the peo ple as their delegate, al though the convention it self may if it please invite him to address it or give it counsel, in which case he will be in the convention by invitation and not by virtue of his office.” In view of all this, I am personally of the conviction that ^Members of the Con gress of the Philippines should not hp allowed to sit as ex officio delegates to the proposed constitutional con vention. Nevertheless, if it is the feeling of Congress that the membership of legisFebruary 1967 9 la tors is essential and in or der not to deprive the con vention of the services of ca pable Mpmbers of Congress, then I suggest that we submit the question to the people, giviing them the privilege to determine the issue for them selves in their sovereign capa city. This we can effect by means of a proposed amend ment I submitted two years ago rewording Article VI, Section 16, of the Constitu tion so as to make it read as follows: “No senator or member of the House of Re presentatives may hold em ployment in the government, except as member of the constitutional convention that may be called pursuant to Article XV, without forfeit ing hfis seat xxx.” The pro posal can then be approved by three4ourths of all the members of the two Houses of Congress voting separately and subsequently submitted for ratification by the people preferably in the regular election to be held in Novem ber this year. In this way, we shall be able to overcome constitu tional objections if the peo ple ratify the said amend ment regardless of the subs tantive merits thereof or the arguments that have been raised against it. The impor tant thing is that the people s will, be it right or wrong, shall have been expressed freely and categorically on the question of the dual membership of legislators in Congress and the constitu tional convention. In any event, I should like to voice the hope that if and when this constitutional con vention is finally called, its members shall approach their solemn responsibility with the highest sense of duty and patriotism and without re gard to partisan considera tion or personal ambitions. Only thus, I feel, can they make of our Constitution the fulfillment and the flowering of liberty for all Filipinos, not only now or a hundred years from now, but for all eternity. — By Speaker Jose B. Laurel, Jr. in the Manila Bulletin, February 15, 1967. 10 Panorama THE CRITERION OF QUALITY IN EDUCATION The improvement of a college should primarily find expression in the fine quality of its products. This element is identifiable in the vigorous growth of the intellectual ability of its students and in their acquisition of a discriminating sense of values. Such a resulting condition is in general a reflection of the challenging attitude of the college teachers towards scholarship and their dedication to the cause of edu cation as a pursuit for effective brain power and as a process of developing integrity, of thought and per sonal conduct The formal procedure and methods of teaching should serve as operating techniques for guiding the mental and emotional development of the learner to wards higher stages of maturity. They could be varied and diverse. For as the saying goes there are many and different roads to Rome. There are straight and direct pathways; and there are step by step ap proaches, passing through rugged, arduous, and for midable obstacles, but all leading or pointing ahead toward some beckoning goal of fulfillment. But methods, devices, and procedures are not the end of educational instruction. Neither should they be given as much importance and value to the student as the substance of education and science and as the purpose of educational development. They only pro vide the means of teaching; and the mere adoption of any of them does not necessarily bring about fruitful results. It is through their actual, serious, and intel February 1967 11 ligent application that their merits could be judged and their effectiveness tested. But there must be some objective proof, some authentic evidence, of the successful realization of the purposes of teaching methods and learning procedures. The effectiveness of instruction and study is best shown by the ultimate outcome of its intelligent and persis tent observance. It is the attainment of quality performance for the purpose it is intended that counts. It is the acqui sition of a disciplined mind and a responsible charac ter. Has the student improved his knowledge of lan guage, or mathematics, or history, or science, or eco nomics, or any other subject he has taken? Or bet ter still, has he learned how to make a more effec tive use of his senses, his imagination, his perceptive faculties, his critical power or creative ability? Has his college work and performance broadened his mo ral views, his mental horizon, his aesthetic sensitive ness, and his emotional attitude towards man and man’s personal strivings and social preferences? Methods and procedures are intended to bring forth the right answers to these questions. Properly em ployed, they may lead the learner to a thorough under standing of the content of their courses of study and a critical appreciation of their meaning in relation to their personal aspirations and reasonable expectancies in their place in the economic and social order. But the attainment of quality in the educational record of a student may not be taken for granted. It has to be tested by a fair and unbiased examination and observation of accomplished tasks and developed traits. It needs to be tested through some form of valid assessment and evaluation of acquired practices of study and dedication to work. ‘ It is the student’s achievement of superior performance in such tasks and what such performance reveals in the refinement of 12 Panorama his sense of values, the vigor of his critical faculties, and the adequate formation of his mental habits that count in the last analysis. Obviously, no method of testing and measuring may be expected to show ac curately the reality of all these qualities of mind and character. Given their subjective nature, it is enough for a test to reveal indubitable traces of their dis tinctive potentialities for fuller development in the course of time. All these acquired qualities and talents form the composite and distinctive hallmark of genuine quality in learning, in education, and in practically all other branches of human endeavor. -They are exceedingly more useful and valuable than the mere acquisition of information and the reproduction of second-hand knowl edge. They are the valid symbols of the educated and progressive individual. Their development should be the aim of the teacher and the purpose of a college. It is high time that general recognition of this test of quality in education be given by Filipinos anxious for intellectual and cultural advancement as the chief vehicle towards national progress. — Vicente G. Sinco. February 1967 13 THE CASE FOR AUTONOMY FOR PRIVATE HIGHER EDUCATION (Continued from the January 1967 Issue) But it is strange that in 1917, when both houses of the Philippine Legislature were already in the hands of the Filipinos, Act No. 2706 was passed pro viding for compulsory inspection of private schools and colleges by the Department of Public Instruction. Still the law did not require a person to secure a permit for the opening of a private school. Uncri tical and nearsighted observers considered this omis sion a defect of the system and in their minds was responsible for the poor education and instruction pro duced in private schools. Could they have clearly anticipated its future effects, they would not have Ween naive enough to believe that permits by them selves can produce superior private instruction or gua rantee a high standard of education. At any rate in 1925, the Monroe Board of Edu cational Survey in its report recommended legislation “to prohibit the opening of any school by an indivi dual or organization without the permission of the Secretary of Public Instruction.” It suggested that certain conditions be fulfilled before such permission should be granted. Among them are possession of adequate buildings, classroom facilities, and library and laboratory apparatus, observance of a standard size of classes, the employment of teachers with qua lifications equal to those in public schools, efficiency of instruction, the maintenance of a moral and in tellectual tone to be determined by a “rigid, thorough 14 Panorama going, sympathetic inspection”, and a system of an nual reporting to the Secretary of Public Instruction about the school’s conditions. The Monroe Report particularly stressed the ne cessity of an adequate staff in the Department of Public Instruction to be composed of “men and women who have the scholastic, professional, and personal attainments” to make the proposed supervi sion effective and sensible. It added that the Depart ment at that time did hot have that kind of staff, but it warned that “an adequate staff does not ne cessarily mean a large and expensive staff. It does mean one composed of persons familiar with modern methods of school administration, and not content to do their work as a mere matter of form, but filled with a zeal to make the entire educational system of the country a great force in its progress and wel fare.” At this juncture one may ask the following: (1) What were the conditions of the private schools at that time which in the opinion of the Monroe Board should justify the approval of legislation to prohibit the opening of private schools without permit and to impose upon them certain necessary requirements for their maintenance and continuance? (2) Are the con ditions of present schools exactly similar to those then existing or have they deteriorated or improved? (3) Setting aside for the moment the constitutional problem involved in the matter, has the Department of Education followed the suggestion in the Report that only persons who are intellectually, professio nally, and individually competent, should be employed in its staff of inspectors, doing their work not as a matter of form but with zeal to make the entire educational system of the country a great fdrce for national progress and welfare? February 1967 IS These three questions are not simple or easy but they need to be explained and answered in the best way possible. As to' the first question, the Monroe Report furnishes some data upon which it based its recommendation for denying to the individual or or ganization the right to open a school without a gov ernment permit. Among, them are the following: (1) No law or regulation then existed which would pre vent a person “disqualified by ignorance, greed, or even immoral character from,opening a school.” (2) Almost all private schools were intended for profit without attention to the health and sanitary conditions in their location, buildings, classrooms. (3) Their heads had little, if any, knowledge of the science of education, their teachers were not familiar with mo dern teaching methods, and their textbooks were al ways old and uninteresting. (4) The private high schools were mere “cram” schools and were in worse locations and sanitary conditions than the elementary schools. (5) Physical training was unknown to them, and sports and games were non-existent. (6) The equipment of the high schools “was ridiculous” and not one of those the Monroe group visited had a library of a thousand volumes. (7) The laboratory for 'biology and physics was “hopelessly inadequate in almost every instance,” a large school with hun dreds of students having but one microscope and a shelf of bottles containing insects, fishes, and other specimens liberally covered with dust. (8) Teachers exhibited “complete ignorance of any pedagogic prin ciples of teaching,” most of them were not profes sionally interested in their work, and the great ma jority of them were part-time teachers. (9) The schools could not present any budget where one could see how much was set aside for apparatus and equip ment. (10) In Manila itself, the colleges and univer sities had no buildings of their own except Manila 16 Panorama University, the National University having only be gan to erect one of its own; their classrooms were crowded, badly ventilated, poorly lighted; and their science laboratories were bad caricatures of the real thing. Far Eastern College had a library of only 630 volumes; Manila University had 1,318 volumes; and National University had 3,255 volumes. (11) In the private colleges and universities in Manila, practically all faculty members were part-time teachers, none do ing more than 11 hours of teaching a week, and none had any committee or administrative work for the college. The conclusion of the Monroe Report, therefore, states the following: “The great majority of them (the private schools) from primary grade to univer sity are money-making devices for the profit of those who organize and administer them. The people whose children and youth attend them are not getting what they pay for. It is obvious that the system consti tutes a great evil. That it should be permitted to exist with almost no supervision is indefensible. The suggestion has been made with reference to the pri vate institutions of university grade that some board of control be organized under legislative control to supervise, their administration.” This conclusion was followed by the recommendation mentioned above : That there be created a supervisory staff of highly competent educators with superior educational, scho lastic, and administrative qualifications filled with a zeal to help develop a system that could be a positive force for the advancement of the country. As to private schools run by the Catholic priests and Protestant missionaries, the Monroe Commission exempted them from some of the adverse criticisms directed against the Filipino secular institutions; and it singled out a few of them as deserving praise for having qualified teachers, good buildings, classrooms, February 1967 17 equipment, and laboratory and library facilities. The Report declared that these sectarian schools had “no commercial taint attached to them and hence few of the unpleasant physical features that characterize the private (secular) schools at present.” A library of 8,000 volumes in one of them was given a special mention. Strangely enough the explanation of the weakness and defects of the private schools at that time may be gathered from the pages of the Monroe Report it self. A careful perusal of the brief description of the background of those schools as presented in that mo numental work supplemented with some facts per taining to the history of the times will suffice to de monstrate this assertion. Furthermore, the public school system itself suffered from defects which also gave rise to strong criticisms in thq same Report. These points appear quite clearly when we analyze them with some degree of attention and understanding. First of all, and as mentioned in the Monroe Re port, the then existing private colleges in the early years of American occupation of the country were largely influenced by Spanish cultural ideas and edu cational practices. In fact, they were at first using Spanish as the principal language of instruction. This condition, had to be expected as they were established and managed by Filipinos educated in the colleges in Manila during the Spanish regime or in Spain. One of their chief aims was to preserve and develop the spirit of nationalism which had been generated by the Filipino leaders and intellectuals who had been reared in an atmosphere of Spanish culture and civilization. The very names of many colleges were Spanish, such as Instituto Burgos, Liceo de Manila, Colegio Mercantil, Instituto de Manila, Centro Escolar de Senoritas, Instituto de Mujeres, Instituto Filipino, Colegio .de Derecho, Academia de Leyes, and others of the same 18 Panorama class and purpose. It was only after a few years that they realized that Spanish training was no longer widely marketable under the newly established Ameri can era in which most jobs and occupations were made available only to those who had learned English and had acquired some sort of American culture and edu cation. They then decided to begin adopting in some form the American system of instruction as practiced in the public schools. Not having had a background of education and training of the American style, the heads and teachers of these Filipino schools knew almost next to nothing about the more modern edu cational methods and standards. That was not an easy problem for them to solve immediately but in their desire to adjust themselves to the new situa tion they tried to look for new teachers with know ledge of English and as a proof of their decision to modernize in their own way they dropped the Spa nish and used English names for their colleges such as National Academy, Lyceum of Manila, Far Eastern College, Philippine Women’s College, and a few years later, National University, and Manila University. The difficulty of securing new teachers with pro per qualifications was felt not only by the private but also by the public schools. There were very few qua lified ones available. The Monroe Report states that in 1924- there were only 787 teachers in the public high schools in the country; and of these, 214 were Americans and 573 were Filipinos. The Report com mented that “the teachers in the regular (govern ment) high school are not trained for their job. Ap proximately 18 per cent of them have received but four years or less of training beyond the intermediate school.” About 33 per cent have had an education equivalent to graduation from a four-year college. As to professional training, 68 per cent of them “had no professional work ip education, however meager, in February 1967 19 high school, normal school, college or university.” Most of them were inexperienced, their average teach ing experience was less than 3 years. These deficiencies were naturally present in the private schools at that time which had no means of recruiting American teachers or Filipino instructors of the caliber of those employed in the government ins titutions who were mostly below standard academically and professionally as pointed out above. But as we shall soon find out, our private educational institu tions have not stagnated. In his book The Philippines published in 1945, Dr. Joseph R. Hayden tells us that the criticisms in the Monroe Report resulted in the enactment of laws and regulations placing the private schools under strict re gulations and subjecting them to close supervision by agencies under the Department of Public Instruction. Then he makes this noteworthy remark: “By 1929, the schools which had brought discredit upon the re putation of private education had either been elimi nated or been brought up to standards of equipment, instruction, and administration which were compara ble with those of public schools. As a result of these accdmplishments, private education as a whole was rehabilitated in the eyes of the public.” Unfortunate ly, the chapter on Private Education in his book is not quite clear in its discussion of what he considered to be the development of the conditions of private schools that it is difficult to determine what his con clusions are about their advancement or their stag nation by 1941 when the War broke out. But as Secretary of Public Instruction till November, 1935, Dr. Hayden’s words as quoted above indicate that the conditions of the private schools 5 or 6 years after the Monroe survey had markedly changed for the better and were no longer deserving of the criticisms cast against them in the past. 20 Panorama Dr. Hayden seems to be as unfamiliar with Ame rican court decisions on freedom of education as were the members of the Monroe Mission. The latter, however, could not have been expected to realize that when they suggested legislative control over the pri vate schools and their activities they were disregard ing or violating the principle of the liberty of the teaching profession and of the natural right of pa rents to educate their children for civic efficiency and other obligations as declared by the Supreme Court of their country at about the time they prepared their monumental report. But that lack of knowledge was understandable, though not excusable, in view of the fact that all of them were only professors of Edu cation and could not be expected to have some grasp of constitutional law; in fact, one or two of them were suspected as having leftist leanings. But Dr. Hayden was a political scientist, and so he should not have overlooked the traditional prin ciple that the individual, not the State, is the central figure in a democracy. Nevertheless, he made the fol lowing statement: “In harmony with the principle that individual interests should be subordinated to those of the State, the Constitution of 1935 provided' that ‘all educational institutions shall be under the supervision of and subject to regulation by the State’.” Apparently, he considered this brief sentence in the Constitution as authorizing not merely regulation but control over private schools and need not be read in connection with the substantive provisions on educa tion to be found in other parts of the Constitution. He took it as standing apart from the context, inde pendent of other constitutional mandates affecting education and individual freedom. In this he commit ted a serious error which he could have avoided if he had kept himself abreast of the authoritative pro February 1967 21 nouncements of the Supreme Court of the United States on the subject of education and individual freedom. But here again Dr. Hayden appeared to be no longer aware of the existence of state control over private schools when he says: “Both sectarian and non-sectarian institutions in many instances are taking advantage of their freedom from state control to adapt themselves more readily than government schools can to modern trends in education and to changing local educational needs. Through the se condary level, at any rate, the private schools are free to set higher standards than the Bureau of Edu cation, which is limited by the capability of the average child; and some of them have taken advan tage of this opportunity.” At any rate, these words of one who was once Secretary of Public Instruc tion show that in general private schools had im proved to the extent that they were already “taking advantage of their freedom from state control.” In relation to the general evaluation of private schools given in the Monroe Report of 1924-1925. the observations of Dr. Hayden, the last American Secre tary of Public Instruction, show that a marked improve ment of, the educational work and the conditions of the private institutions of the country had taken place before the War or about 12 to 15 years after the Monroe survey had been undertaken. A statistical comparison of the conditions of the private educational institutions at different periods may also give us a good picture of improvements which are objectively measurable. In 1924, the total enroll ment of private schools recognized by the Govern ment was 73,246. The population of the country then was about 11,000,000. As stated in Dr. Hayden’s book, in 1938 the number of students in the private schools reached a total of 130,000. There were then 425 pri 22 Panorama vate schools. In 1964-1965, the annual report of the Director of Private Schools shows a total enrollment of 1,379,868 students out of a population of over 32,000,000 people. In about 26 years, therefore, the ratio of the increase of the student population in the private schools was more than 10 times while that of the country’s total population was hardly 3 times. The number of college and university students alone was 390,454. There were 4,393 private schools from the kindergarten to the university level. In the col legiate and university level alone, there were 463 insti tutions of which 26 were universities. The amount and extent of assistance these pri vate institutions have given the government and the people of the country have been literally enormous. As far back as the year 1932, the Commissioner of Private Education calculated that if the government then had to provide the education for the students in the recognized private schools, it would have ap propriated at least P10,750,886 a year without includ ing the cost of buildings and equipment. Dr. Hay den commented that “in addition to relieving the government of an appreciable proportion of the finan cial burden of education, the private institutions of learning are making a distinctive contribution to the intellectual life of the nation.” According to the annual report of the Director of Private Schools for 1965-1966, the private secondary schools alone would have cost the government if it had operated them from P21,356,055 to P170,864,563 on the basis of the wide-ranging cost per student in dif ferent public high schools, or an average of about P96,000,000. These figures do not include the cost of buildings and equipment. The same report states that more than 80 per cent of the college students February 1967 23 of the country are in private institutions of higher education. In the academic year 1964-1965, the total number of college and university graduates from pri vate institutions was 67,359. The degrees they re ceived were in practically all careers and professions including agriculture, science, technology, medicine, law, teacher training, liberal arts, philosophy, fine arts, nursing, etc. The biggest enrolment was in teaching, followed by commerce and business administration. These facts reveal more than mere quantitative growth of our private colleges and universities. A comparative study of both academic and professional achievements of their graduates as against those who have completed their courses in public secondary schools and colleges is certain to disclose a marked improvement of the quality of the products of the former. In most professions and areas of intellectual work, the average public school product is far from being superior to the private college graduate. Given more freedom and encouragement to the spirit of initiative and creativity by the removal of government control on their academic activities and decisions, private educational institutions may reason ably be expected to pursue excellence in their work. Let us remember that the tradition of higher edu cation in this country has its roots in the American system, a system based on diversity and liberty. We have deliberately ignored that precious tradition and for this reason our educational growth has been stunted. In the report on Higher Education in a Decade of De cision issued by the Educational Policies Commission of two outstanding American educational associations, the following statements descriptive of the reasons of the excellence of higher education in the United States appear: 24 Panorama “One of the strengths of the American enterprise in higher education is variety in the source of authority and responsibility for colleges and universities. There is no monolithic structure of control in American higher education, no central, source of power. Among the nation’s 1855 institutions of higher education are public and private institutions, some church-related and others secular in control, some locally and others state controlled, and a very few federally controlled. Although some institutions are grouped in state systems and others grouped within the framework of religious denominations, to a considerable extent each institu tion is an independent unit, master of its own policy, with its own structure of loyalties, customs, and con trol.” — V. G. S. February 1967 25 JUDICIAL SYSTEM IN SPAIN The Philippines seems to have much to learn from Spain in the matter of setting up a politics-free judiciary and freeing it from the shackles of the executive de partment. Take it from Justice Fran cisco Ruiz-Jarabo B^quero of the Spanish Supreme Court, who expressed pride over the judicial system of his country at a press conference at the Spanish embassy. A recent visitor in Manila, he was the guest of honor of the Philippine Constitution Association. “It is a life-time career and profession,” Justice Jarabo said of the Spanish judges. No one can be appointed judge of the court of first instance in Spain without passing a rigid oral and writ ten examination that is held lor more than eight months and without graduating from a year-long course in judicial procedure in a special school. “Everybody starts from the bottom,” Jarabo said, “and the appointment made by the Supreme Court to fill up a particular rank in the court of first instance is based on the examinee’s rating in the tests.” Chief Justice Roberto Con cepcion of the Philippine Supreme Court has recently advocated some system of examination for prospective judges in the Philippines to assure the selection of com petent members of the judi ciary and to improve the ad ministration of justice. This is a change that could well be attended to when the Philippine Constitution will come up for amendment. Justice Jarabo himself pass ed the examination for judges in .1925, obtaining second place. In 1944, he was ap pointed justice of the Sup reme Court. The Spanish Supreme Court has five divisions of 26 Panorama 10 m.mbers each. The exe cutive department has no hand in the appointment of the court’s members, except to pick one of three recom mended by the judicial coun cil to fill a given vacancy. The tribunal has a special division that handles the ad ministration of the Spanish inferior courts. There has been agitation in Philippine legal circles for the transfer of the administration of courts from the Department of Justice to the Supreme Court to divorce the lower courts from politics. The judicial council that recommends prospective ap pointees to the Supreme Court is composed of mem bers of the judiciary itself — a proof of the autonomous character of the Spanish court, Justice Jarabo said. The retirement age of members of the court, Jara bo said, is usually 72 but it can be stretched as long as the judge or justice is "in command of his mind and faculties.” In the Philippines, the compulsory retirement age is 70. Jarabo was director gen eral of labor when he joined the Supreme Court. He be came president of the branch of the court assigned to sodial cases in 1954 which post he still holds at present. — Adapted from the Manila Times, February 15, 1967. February 1967 27 ■ On the 17th of February, 1967, three Fii.pinos were electrocuted in the national prison in Montinlupa for the crime of murder they committed some years ago. The President of the Philippines had refused to commute the penalty to life im prisonment. CAPITAL PUNISHMENT In the final hours of the eight-year administration of Governor Edmund G. Brown of California, a dramatic and provocative issue that has seemed to haunt his career flared up again — the death penalty. On December 28, 1966, Brown commuted the death sentences of four of the sixty-four men being held in California on Death Row. This is the longest roster of men marked to die in any state and, as far as we can learn, in any civilized coun try. What invests the list with special poignancy is the fact that these condemned men have been accumulated over recent years — stacked up, as it were — in an ante room to the gas chamber while California has gone four years without an execu tion. Now a new governor is in office who supports capital punishment. Ronald Reagan has said; “We have to re orient our thinking about our soft attitude toward crime ... I believe in ca pital punishment. . . . While all of us are disturbed by it, I believe it is a deterrent.” Reagan’s position is at odds with current trends in America’s system of justice. In most states the death pe nalty, which has been aban doned in many democratic countries of Europe, has been abolished or is under attack. There are now thir teen “abolitionist” states. The first was Michigan, back in 1847, and Senator Philip A. Hart from that state' has proposed a Federal abolition bill. Although in the nation as a whole more than 350 men are under sentence of death and awaiting execu tion, only one had been exe cuted in 1966 up to Decem ber 1, according to the U.S. Bureau of Prisons’ records. 28 Panorama In 1965, seven were executed; in 1964, fifteen; in 1963, twenty-one; in 1962, forty. seven. It is strange that capital punishment has not inspired any great debate while it has been steadily falling into dis use. True, opinion, has shiftech/In 1953, the^&allup Poll f found Americans' sixty-eight ' per cent in favor of capital punishment, but last year only forty-two per cent still favored it. The trial courts | seem to ignore the trend, for Bthe sentence continues to be imposed, even where the final step is not carried out. How ever, a gradual decline in the imposition of capital pun'ishment is also evident. In 1961, 136 were sentenced to die. Last year the total was only sixty-seven. - ■ What , accounts for the change is not gubernatorial intervention but judicial de cision. Recent Supreme Court decisions have stressed the rights of persons accused of crime, allowing a great many to win new trials. It is not some esoteric game of law-making or opinion making that has jammed the - gears in the old system of a a life for a ijfe” to which this country Was accustomed Its value as simply no While disuntil the past few years. /The change has clearly arisen from the persuasion that the •’ death penalty no longer has a necessary or even a tolera ble role in the modern con cept of justice, a deterrent is longer credible, trict attorneys and police dis-. J . pute the point, criminologists ✓ " ?* insist that fear^Sf death does not deter men from crime any more than it used to deter pickpocket^ from working the crowds at public K hangings in the days when pickpockets themselves paid for the crime or) the gallows. On March 1, i960, Brown made a statement spe cial session of the legislature that put the matter clearly^x^ in focus: “The naked, sim- | pie fact is that the death penalty has been a gross fail- • 1 ure. Beyond its jiorror and W incivility it has neither pro tected tne innocent nor de terred the wicked. The re current spectacle of publicly sanctioned killing has cheap ened human life and digriity without the redeeming grace (l which comes from justice meted out swiftly, evenly, hu manely.” Brown said that the penalty is “too random, too irregular, too unpredictaFebruary 1&67 29 ■■' What they are saying in San Quintin these days is that the public would never tole rate sixty executions, but one or two may have to take ble and too tardy to be de fended as an effective warn ing to wrong-doers.” It would be dismaying if California, which has set the pace for modern penology place before the penalty bea c . comes an object of passion ate controversy. — The Re. in America for the past gen eration, should now revert to vengeance and retribution porter, Jan. 1967. its system of justice. BOOKS '‘Books are the instruments for perpetuating the dy of knowledge painfully and slowly accumulated through the ages of man. They are also the means of preserving and sustaining the solid foundations of culture and learning. They provide the record of man’s progress and the point of departure for steps into the future. Through them the cultural resources of mankind become the birthright of the generations to come.” — By Carl R. Woodward, President of the University of Rhode Island. 30 , Panorama ■ The development of the legal status and political position of the Filipino woman shows a marked contrast to that of many other countries in Asia. WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN THE PHILIPPINES The women of the United States have been enfranchised as early as 1920. Portugal, on the other hand, extended limited voting rights to its women in 1945; Belgium granted this right to its wo men in 1950. China and Japan gave their women the right of suf frage in 1946; India and Burma followed suit in 1947; and Korea in 1948, but the Filipino women hold the dis tinction of being the first in the Far East to be enfran chised and this was in 1937. The political emancipa tion of the Filipino women may be attributed primarily and particularly to the edu cational policy introduced by the Americans in the Phil ippines. If at all, however, our keen historians have not allowed to go unrecorded such other events that consti tuted the preliminary at tempts of our countrymen toward the early emancipa tion of the Filipino women. Even prior to the arrival of the Americans the Filipino leaders, particularly Rizal, took steps that would in ef fect lift the status of Filipino womanhood to its rightful position. Apolinario Mabini, the Sublime Paralytic, among others, distinguished himself for being the first to espouse the cause of feminism in the Philippines. He was way ahead in proposing the en franchisement of our women. The First Philippine Repub lic explicitly provides: “Female taxpayers who have attained the age of twenty-one years, who are not subject to parental or marital authority, shall have the right to vote for public office, unless they have been disqualified for leading a li centious life or by having been convicted of some mis demeanor.” In June 1905, Miss Con February 1967 31 cepcion Felix who later be came Mrs. Felipe Calderon formed and organized the Feminista Filipina, the first women’s club in the Philip pines. This organization did not agitate particularly for woman suffrage, but engaged in the promotion of social welfare work. In 1912 the Manila women closed ranks and formed the Society for the Advancement of Women with Mrs. Charles Lobingier as its first Pres ident. The initial principal aim was to work for the en franchisement of women but gradually relaxed its stand by concentrating more on the social welfare phase of activity. It later became the Manila Women’s Club, the mother club of all women’s clubs throughout the archi pelago, and today more po pularly known as the Fede ration of Women’s Clubs. On October 16, 1918 Gov ernor General Francis Bur ton Harrison recommended to the Philippine Legislature the extension of suffrage to the Filipino women. In res ponse to the recommenda tion, Representative Ricardo Lloret of Bulacan, Feliciano Gomez of Laguna, and To mas Luna of Albay intro duced a woman suffrage bill. The move failed to find its marks when the Legislature failed to pass the bill. In 1919 Senator Pedro Ma. Sison introduced a similar bill in the Senate. Although the bill was approved in the Senate, it was disregarded in the lower chamber of the Philippine Legislature. On October 15, 1921, Governor General Leonard Wood who like his predecessor was a believer in the feminist cause, advocated the extension of suffrage to the Filipino wo men in his inaugural address to the sixth Philippine Legis lature. The National Fede ration of Women’s Clubs to this point also stressed their pro-suffrage activity through out the country but it con sistently met defeat in the hands of the anti-suffragists in the Legislative body. In 1928 at the initiative of Dr. Paz Mendoza the Women Citizens League was duly organized at the Philippine Columbian Club. It was their primary aim to work for the enfranchisement of the Filipino women. They presented a petition to the Philippine Legislature, which though formally acknowledg ed, was nonetheless uncere 32 Panorama moniously ignored. In 1931 the Philippine As sociation of University Wo men, which had earlier been organized by the college graduate-members of the Women Citizens League, in an effort to get attention and support invited to a con ference members of the Com mittee on the Revision of Laws. To this Committee was referred the various wo man suffrage bills authored by Francisco Varona, Eugenio Perez, and Arsenio Bonifacio. Sensing the impossibility and futility of meeting the women’s enthusiasm with in attention and disinterested ness, Representative Marcelo T. Boncan, the committee chairman, conducted in Sept ember of the same year a public hearing to determine once and for all the merits of what seemed to be a most interesting and intriguing is sue of the times. Among the prominent leaders who figur ed in the feminist cause and religiously attended the hear ings were Drs. Encarnacion Alzona, Paz Mendoza Guazon, the former Miss Maria Kalaw, now Senator Maria K. Katigbak, Mrs. Pilar Hi dalgo Lim, Mrs. Concepcion F. Rodriguez, Mrs. Pura V. Kalaw, Atty. Pacita de los Reyes, and Atty. Rosario Ocampo of the Catholic Wo men’s League. Their con certed efforts in the fight for equal rights visibly swayed the committee to favorably endorse the bill to the House. The House of Representa tives then headed by Speaker Manuel Roxas overwhelm ingly gave its assent when the bill was formally presented by the suffragists’ new cham pion, Miguel Cuenco. For greater national problems, however, which the Senate alleged as demanding more the attention of its members, the bill suffered another dis couraging fate. In November 1933, how ever the Senate finally ap proved the suffrage bill as ap proved by the Lower House in 1931. Governor Frank Murphy signed the Woman Suffrage Bill on December 7, 1933, thus making it a law, but which was to take effect only on January 1, 1935, to give new women voters' am ple time to register. Subsequent political events in Philippine history in the year 1934 however, proved to be the bane that render ed the victory of the women suffragists a shortlived one. February 1967 33 By the Philippine Legisla ture’s acceptance of the Tydings-McDuffie law as pass ed by the United States Congress in May 1934, a chain of related events inevitably followed. The law in effect provided for the es tablishment of a Philippine Commonwealth whose Cons titution was to be framed by an elective Constitutional Assembly. The Constitutional Con vention presented another obstacle for the women suf fragists. The Convention agreed that the National As sembly should extend the right of suffrage to women, but predicated its exercise on the outcome of a plebis cite which would be held foi that purpose within two years after the adoption of the ' Constitution, and only if not less than three hun dred thousand women pos sessing the necessary qualifi cations should affirmatively vote on the question. This turn of events offered no alternative for the women suffragists. Casting aside their prejudices; they proved equal to the demands of their political aspirations aware as they were that the rejection of the Constitution could only mean one thing — the indefinite postpone ment of Philippine Indepen dence. The General Council for Women firmly resolved to work and campaign for the acceptance of the Consti tution. Soon after the inaugura tion of the Philippine Com monwealth, President Que zon signed the Plebiscite Bill on September 30, 1936. On Plebiscite Day, April 30, 1937, the women electorate of the Philippines registered 447,725 “yes” votes against 44,307 “no” votes. In a spe cial session held from August to September 1937, the Na tional Assembly ratified the plebiscite’s returns. Marking a milestone in the stride taken by the Fili pino women towards their political emancipation, and anxious to exercise a right so nobly won, the Filipino suffragettes gleefully marched to the polls for the first time on December 14, 1937. The succeeding events proved heartening to the whole Fili pino womanhood as several hundred Filipinas aspired for positions which have hitherto remained exclusively for the exploitation of their male counterparts. 34 Panorama ■ The new women in South Vietnam are now in vading the areas of men’s activities. THE VIETNAMESE GIRL TODAY Sitting in her home, a vo lume of poetry in her hand and a piano contrasting with her simple pink Ao Dai tra ditional dress, Hong Khac Kim Mai seems to typify the petite charm and grace of Vietnamese women. She is anything but a typlical young girl, however. The poetry is her own. She teaches piano in order to earn money to publish an other volume. She likes to "mix up in politics,” and did so this summer with fellow boy and girl students at the Saigon University where she is studying in the Faculty of Letters. “It must be said,” she ad mitted, "that I am very am bitious.” Mai is one of a new wave of young women in South Vietnam who are overturn ing the old idea that only young men are entitled to higher education and to ca reers in public life. At Saigon University nine years ago, the only Univer sity of Vietnam at that time, less than 700 girls were re gistered, only about 15 per cent of the student body. This past year of the 27,826 students in the various uni versities of Vietnam nearly 30 per cent are girl students — and the number of glirls is expected to increase stea dily in coming years. In the School of Pharmacy, more than half of the 3,000 students are girls. And in the Law Faculty, one out of every five future lawyers is female. This year there are more women students enroll ed in the Faculty of Law than there are practicing at torneys in the entire country. One out of ten in the Fa culty of Medicine and the Faculty of Science are girls. In Mai’s school, equivalent to the Arts and Sciences Col lege of an American univer sity, 36 per cent of the 8,000 students are young girls. Mai does not want to go abroad to complete her stu dies, a common move for February 1967 35 children of wealthier Viet namese families. At present, about 15 per cent of Viet namese students abroad are girls, some working in such difficult fields as chemistry and electronics. For Mai, too many important and ex citing things are happening in Vietnam today for her to leave the country at this time. “I must finish higher stu dies at the Faculty of Let ters,” she declares. She is deputy chairman for public relations of the Executive Committee at the Faculty’s student body organization. She studied at Marie Curie high school in Saigon, a French girls’ school, and be lieves her French is better than her Vietnamese. “I’ve been preparing for my Viet namese license although I am not very strong in Viet namese, but I like my mother tongue,” he said. Like many strongly na tionalistic Vietnamese, Mai approves the current move ment to require Vietnamese in all schooling. “The use of Vietnamese as a vehicle language is very necessary”, she declared, “It will give the universities a national char acter.” “However,” she added quickly, “students must be strong in foreign languages, too.” In 1965, Mai wrote and published with her own funds a book of poetry entitled “The Brown Yes.” This year she teaches piano lessons to private students in order to earn money to publish her next collection of verses. Fortunately, Mai comes from a well-to-do family and she does not need to work to pay for her education. Other girls must work hard to further their studies and earn a living. Many tutor other students privately, for children often prefer female to male tutors. The bright young girls also are in de mand as shop assistants and office clerks. Many are able to live a. self-sufficient life while studying at the Uni versity, even though they are far Trom their houses. Mai, for example, comes from Hue, the ancient capital city of Vietnam far to the north of Saigon. Despite their handicap, for many Vietnamese still cling to the old idea that women must not enter the fields of 36 Panorama man, girls are excelling in scholarship and social action. Miss Nguyen thi Binh topped ' all other students graduating in the year-end examinations at the Faculty of Science. In the 1965 en trance examination for the Faculty of Pharmacy, the six top students were girls, ex cept for a lone boy who rank ed fourth. Girl students from the university are active in so cial relief duties. A number of girls went to Central Viet nam wlith the Relief Com mittees during the 1965 flood and again this year to the western provinces to aid flood victims. The traditional view that daughters simply studied household duties and, when marfied, followed their hus bands faithfully in whatever directions he led, is breaking down. Mai was quick to de fend the new woman, saying: “I don’t think modern Vietnamese women neglect their duty as housewives. They should not.” And Mai knows something of the domestic arts. In addi tion to playing piano, she makes a hobby of cooking. (And admits to being an es pionage movie fan.) What does she want to do after completing university studies? “I don’t want to teach school,” she declared certainly. “I really Want to do some thing else. I like to live an active life; to tell the truth, I want to mix up in political activities.” Last summer, during the Buddhist crisis, Mai was among Saigon University students who were vocal about their position tin the situation. But her activities go beyond such directly po litical things. With their new-found li berty, the girls appear to be using careful restraint in or der not to go too far. They are careful in social. contacts w)ith boys and few scandals have slurred their integrity. For the older observers, they represent something new and almost mystical. They combine the soft charm of the ancient orient with the fiery zeal of the western wo man. A new force today in the universities, they will be a vital new power in the Viet nam of tomorrow. — Mekong Features. February 1967 37 ■ Dress varies according to time, season, occasion, and age; but the young are the limit. WEARING THE RIGHT CLOTHES A few years ago, when my son had about a year and a half to go before he graduat ed from college, I said to him: ‘You’ve worked pretty hard and well, and if you keep it up for the next eighteen months, and you come out with a halfway de cent degree, I’ll give you the fare for a trip to Europe’. It was the first time I ever heard myself sounding like the fathers I knew in my time, all of them (I then be lieved) professional fathers born into middle age. Of course, I thought my son would fall on his face w'ith gratitude. Instead, he looked at me with the pecu liar tenderness that twenty year-olds reserve for their well-meaning but dotty pa rents. ‘Dad’, he said, Tm go ing to Europe a month from now’. ‘Really’, I said, ‘and where do you expect to travel?’ ‘Oh’, he said, ‘a little time in Rome and Florence, a month or so 'in Paris, maybe a stretch in Tangier’. I wondered how he expect ed to live on his very frugal Allowance. In staggered dis belief, he explained to me, with great simplicity and pa tience, some facts of life that had been kept from me. The summer vacation was coming up before his last academic year. His university had put on a charter flight to Europe — leave a certain date, return a certain date — at something less than half the usual fare. My son <is a cagey mathema tician where rent, food, and expenses are concerned, and he had done a calculation on which I could not fault him. Even including the cost of the transatlantic air trip, he could live noticeably cheaper for three months in Europe than he could be staying in his rooms in Cambridge, Mass. Thousands and thousands of American college boys have discovered the same thing. Most of them live 38 Panorama cheerfully like cave-dwellers, anyway. A room as we knew it is not the same as a pad. We were ludicrously fasti dious in my day, requiring such things as actual beds raised above the floor, cur tains on windows, chairs for sitting on. These things are now looked on as Establish ment fetishes. American col lege boys are throwbacks to the wandering minstrels of the Middle Ages. They live from hand to mouth. They have a common uniform — one pair of pants, one shirt, a jacket' (maybe), a tooth brush (sometimes), and a guitar. You can never be sure these days whether they, and their girls, are American, English, Swedish, German, or even Russian. I have said that it must be wonderful to be a travelling student, let alone a beatnik. What I had in mind was this uniformity of, well — uni form and habits. No nice ties of dress or social beha viour disturb them. Every place they go, they are at home, with other wanderers from other lands who share exactly the same habits, es pecially the same freedom to ignore the bourgeois society around them. It is not so with middleaged man who has, by now, acquired his own ideas of what to wear in given cir cumstances. Providing merely for the change of weather is a, cinch. The really subtle challenges come when you move from one country to another, one region of one country to an other; worst of all, from one social milieu to another. My last three evenings in Lon don were spent respectively at a rather toney dinner party, next evening at a cosy supper with my step-daugh ter, the last night at a ‘hap pening’ at Chalk Farm. No problem — except that at the ‘happening’ I must have looked like a fugitive from the Foreign Office in the nineteen-thirtiies — for I had on a suit (I mean the coat matched the trousers), a neck tie, and a dark-blue topcoat. Everyone in sight wore jeans or stretch pants of silver lame, or beards, or leather jackets. The American challenge is trickier. I know exactly how New Yorkers, of many social types, dress in winter, February 1967 39 spring, summer, fall. I know, for instance, that no woman with the slightest pretence to style wears white shoes, in summer or any other time, in New York city. But dress ing in Hollywood, for exam ple, so that you won’t look either stuffy or flashy in the wrong way, is a separate trick that not one visitor in a hun dred masters. They have at the back of their minds a picture of Hollywood — ci gars, bikinis, klieg lights, bosoms. They know that Hollywood is more informal than, say, London. It is not so. They arrive at a Holly wood dinner party, maybe in a smart blue blazer, sleek slacks, a club tie, and black loafers. They are surround ed suddenly by men entirely in dark .suits, white shirts, and conservative, tiny-pat terned ties. Or, say, you are a woman who has just left New York — in October — and you are attending a dinner party, of a congenial group, in Santa Barbara. Santa Barbara is only ninety miles from Holly wood, but it is the social width of the stratosphere away. Although October is •a hot months fashion dictates that it is the fall. Although you could wear summer dresses all the year round, October is October; and the women put on fall clothes, daikcr colours, paler shoes. At the Santa Barbara dinner the other night there was a ravishing woman wearing a melon-pink suit of Thai silk. It became her greatly. We sat out on a terrace where it was, say, seventy-five degrees. She stood out like a firefly in the night. She was, need less to say, from the east — I mean the eastern United States — and I gathered she was thought, by her hosts, to be attractive but odd. To many people, I am well aware, this may appear to be a very trivial theme in the great day of social upheaval and the equality of man. But I am told, at the United Nations, that even in China the uniform of Mao Tsetung has details that escape • us — as indeed the physical dif ference between one Chinese and another does — but which signify to the faithful that his simple smock is not that of an ordlinary party member, or a commissar, but the unique costume of the All-Highest. 40 Panorama It will be said that these are snobbish pre-occupations. I was going to say, ‘Don’t you believe it’. I prefer to say, ‘Certainly they are’. And very important to go into, since we are all snobs. All of us have firm (however un spoken) ideas about what people should look like on given occasions. In this, fishermen and farmers are just as snobbish as debu tantes and beatniks. There is no one, however mighty, who is not put off by some detail of dress he personally dislikes. I remember the morning one of the Pres ident’s aides came in wearing a button-down shirt (which started in America thirty years ago as an Ivy League fad, remained so until only a few years ago, and was swiftly abandoned when it spread to bond salesmen, then to mid-westerners, to cattle ranchers come to town. It is still retained by aging country-club types who have not noticed that they sudden ly look old-fashioned). ‘For heaven’s sake’, Kennedy said to his bewildered aide, ‘take off that shirt. Nobody wears those things any more, except Chester Bowles and Adlai’. — By Alistair Cooke, Letter from America. February 1967 41 ■ There are practical and cultural advantages from one's knowledge of some languages of important nations. WHY A FOREIGN LANGUAGE? Looked at purely as acade mic work, language opens the mind to a new way of thinking and constructing, makes the student more world-conscious, and gives him an awareness of a new and different history, literal ture, and culture. This can be a most broadening and valuable experience, for in no other language are thoughts expressed in just the same way as the student, up to this time, has expe rienced — his knowledge having been limited to his own language entirely. While students may never have to use the language of their choice for performance or material gain, an under standing of languages other than our own is necessary, for a well-balanced way of think ing in this cofnplex world of ours, which so badly needs men and women of good will, compassion, and understand ing. With each year our world is shrinking as trans portation and communica tion become more rapid. We all must grow in understand ing and international think ing if this. world is ever to become a better place in which to live. The study of a foreign language should begin in the grade school or high school. To send a student to the uni versity without this exposure to language is as distressing as it would be to ask him to work out some difficult problem in higher mathe matics without first teaching him how .to add, multiply, subtract, and divide! Too often this lack of exposure at an early age leads a col lege student to think, through ignorance and inex perience, that language is an easy subject. Knowing no thing whatsoever about what lies ahead of him, he often feels he can take it easy. By the time he wakes up to the fact that he is tackling a very difficult task, it is too late. 42 Panorama His first year's work may be wasted and he may have to repeat it the following year — a great waste of time and money, as well as a great deal of needless suffering on hlis part. Just as a mind has not been properly rounded-out unless it h?is been exposed to English and Mathematics, so on mind is really well trained — educated in the truest sense of the word — without a good working knowledge of at least one modern foreign language. As James B. Conant, president emeritus of Harvard Univer sity, salid recently: “Unless a person has acquired some thing approaching mastery of one foreign language, he has missed an educational ex perience of the first impor tance.” , Dr. Conant also stressed the fact that the most difficult areas of study were science, mathematics, and foreign language. This is seldom realized. Understanding of English, also, is influenced and en hanced by the study of a for eign language. Not only are English constructions and vo cabulary highlighted but the richness and beauty and worth of the language are also better understood and appreciated when one can feel all that has gone into its development. Jawalharlal Nehru, the late prime minister of India, wrote what I think is one of the most sensitive expla nations of the very essence of any great language: “A language is infinitely more than grammar and phi lology — the science of the structure and development of language. It is the poetic testament of the genius of a race and a culture, and the living embodiment of the thoughts and fancies that have molded them.” — Anna B. Lous in The Delta Kappa Gamma Bulletin. February 1967 43 ■ How we write letters to friends and other people today has radically changed; and letters may soon be outmoded. "I TAKE UP MY PEN" “I take up my pen to write you these few lines hoping that they find you in the pink as they leave me at pre sent. These hallowed words cannot be found in any Mo del Letter-Writer, among the instructions on how to accept a luncheon invitation from a Lady of Title, but they are to be seen on a mil lion yellowing pages, on let ters tied up in faded ribbon and coming from Flanders, Gallipoli, Alamein, Burma, bringing proof of affection, of love, of, even, just being alive. The bqoks of model letters flinch at nothing — com plaints to landlords about the drains, appeals to the Pope, proposals of marriage, commiserations on assorted bereavements, from husbands to second cousins once re moved: and now, indeed, finally removed. They are particularly strong on lovers’ tiffs, on taxing a fiancee with flirtations behaviour else where, or upbraiding her for being aloof. But nowadays letter-writ ing is on the way out. Oral communication has become too easy and time, it seems, far too precious. It is not the day for those determined scribblers, Lord Byron and Lord Chesterfield. I doubt if it was ever the day for Lord Chesterfield, for a man who could write such acres of chilling advice to his son and who could find it in him to state that there is nothing so ill-bred as audible laugh ter. Poor little Chesterfield was on the receiving end of these daunting missives at an age when letters should have been a delight. At school I inflicted on my parents letters of excruciat ing boredom. We had a sys tem of awards and punish ments called Stars and Stripes. Stars were good; stripes were bad. They were totted up every week and the Panorama results put up, lor all to see, on a notice-board. But I doubt if the middleaged, or over, are going to miss letters very much. It is bitter to discover as one ages that nine out of ten letters are unwelcome. They re quire answering, they contain bills requ/iring payment, they ask advice, they tell a tale of woe, they make nuisances of themselves. Least of all will I miss what one may call the Literary Letter, the letter containing the phrase beauti ful, the language flowery, the letter seen in the mind’s eye of the writer firmly on the printed page. The decline in regular letter-writing has brought an increasingly popular replace ment — the Christmas circu lar letter, a yearly round-up of family news of which fifty or so more or less legible co pies are made and sent round. This, like a summons to a cocktail party, ‘does’ every body at one fell swoop. But, unlike cocktail parties, you are expected to remember what happened last time. One day, even these will vanish, unmourned by me. It will be all jabber-jabber-< jabber on our built-in tele phones with the person one’s speaking to appallingly avail able on a telly-screen, all glaring teeth and smiles and jaw-jaw-jaw. Or will com puters, suitably programmed, take over our letter-writing? — By Arthur Marshall, The Listener, November 1966. ®w«MJUnr 1967 45 ■ The creative faculty does not belong only to the young. It also follows with age if properly pre served through practice, CREATIVE PRODUCTIVITY Perhaps the most outstand ing study dealing with pro blems of age and creative productivity was made by H. C. Lehman in his book Age and Achievement. On the basis of his studies he reached the conclusion that the rate of good production does not change much in the middle years and that the decline is gradual in older years. He has been careful to point out that it is not age change itself but the fac tors that accompany age change — increased family responsibilities, decrease in physical strength, content ment with past acomplishments, lack of recognition, imbedded habits of con formity, and others — that bring about a reduction in creative production. By avoiding the conditions that account for decreased creativity, an individual can continue to be creatively pro ductive throughout life. To develop creativity in himself, each has to be the engineer who charts his own course, supported by the cooperative action of colleagues. A person can explore ways of providing a more favor able environment for creative production and of develop ing feelings of adequacy. Some suggestions are: 1. Capitalize on experience of others in order to develop confidence in self. 2. Accept the challenge of an opportunity to share creative efforts. 3. Seek an opportunity to communicate ideas and dreams to a person, in whom you have great confidence, one who is a good listener and who accepts ideas expressed. 4. Be willing to experi ment with untried ways of doing things. 5. Accept needs and blocks to goals as challenges. 6. Take time to do what ever is necessary to maintain good physical health. By accepting the fact that 46 we have the capacity for creativity and that it can be developed, we become more able to encourage and foster its development in others. Many adults have grown up in an authoritarian envi ronment and have developed inadequate self-c o n c e p t s. They fear new or unfamiliar experiences. Yet, through contact with facilitating per sons they can develop more fully functioning personali ties. Individuals and groups can do many things to sti mulate and support them as they undertake new adven tures: 1. Serve as a patron or sponsor. 2. Recognize potential of the individual. 3. Listen to ideas. 4. Encourage experimen tation. 5. Suggest sources of in formation and materials. 6. Encourage persistence and new approaches when first efforts are not successful. 7. Express praise when it is deserved. 8. Provide opportunities for others to enjoy and ap preciate the products of creative efforts. 9. Provide opportunities for participation in creative group activities. 10. Recognize the impor tance of good inter-personal relationships by extending warm and friendly greetings, condolence during time of sorrow, and congratulations over joyous events. In spite of seemingly slow progress, the results of efforts in behalf of colleagues may be beyond measurement. As people experience the crea tive process, they learn to foster the development of creativity in others. — By E. E. Parker in The Delta Kap pa Gamma Bulletin. February 1967 47 ■ This story written by Minamato no Jun is from the “Taketori-Monogatari,” the great classic of the 10th Century, the product of the second literary period of ancient Japan. THE MOON MAIDEN Throughout Japan there was talk of the beauty of Nayotake Kaguyahime. Wisely, indeed, had the old priest Akita named her Na yotake, which means “Slen der Bamboo.” Samurai and Princes wooed her; but none could wlin her. The verses that were offered to her were returned, sometimes without word, sometimes, if the wooer were particularly troublesome, with a verse that mocked him and stop ped his courtship if not his love. At last, however, the Mi kado himself fell in love with her. Then Nayotake was haughty and cruel no longer. She became mournful and gentle, and once, when the ruler held her silken sleeve, and entreated her to marry him, she hid her face and s'ighed: “I would if I could. But I may not. I am not of this earth.” The Mikado knew from her expression and her voice that she had pronounced some fateful decree that he could not hope to change. He went home sorrowfully, and his only pleasure after that was to write verses and tie them to blossoming trees where she could find them. She, in turn, answered with similar verses, and thus, for three years, the lovers kept their love alive though they never saw each other. When the fourth Spring arrived and the cherry trees were blossoming again, Na yotake became more and more mournful. Through all the months that followed she wept till the new moon rose ,in the middle of the eighth month. Then she went to her fos ter-parents (who had found her in a bamboo grove) and said to them: “I must tell you now what I have kept secret all these years, from love for you. I am not a daughter of the earth, but 48 Panorama was born in the moon, and I descended to earth for only a period, according to an andient law of my race. My time on earth ends when the present modn is full. Then my parents and kin, who dwell in a great moon-city, will arrive to take me back. Her foster-parents lament ed. Sanuki, her foster-father, sorrowed so that his beard whitened, hjis back became bent and his eyelids were continuously red. At last he sent word to the Mikado and asked him to help keep Nayotake on earth. Immediately the Mikado ordered his chief commander, Takomo Okuni, to guard her with h'is best warriors. Tako mo picked out 2000 of the most accurate archers and the most desperate swordsmen in the 'land,' and marched with them to Nayotake’s home to beat back the attack from the moon-people. He ordered Nayotake’s fos ter-mother to retire with her into an underground place that was heavily walled with stone. “Put your arms around her,” said Takomo Okuni, "and do not let her out of your grasp till the moon has passed its fullness.” Then he locked the place and surrounded it with his grim men. The girl smiled sadly while they were doing all this. "I loved you so, and your grief hurt me, so that I prayed to have my time on earth lengthened by a year,” she said to the old woman. “I should like to stay with you, though the moon-city is most glot'ious and we live there without sorrow or pain in eternal youth. But my wish was not fulfilled. At the appointed time I must g°” The night of the full moon arrived. The old woman pressed the gftrl to her with all her strength. At the “mouse’s hour” — midnight — all the country around the house suddenly became as bright as if sun and moon both were shining at once. Shimmering clouds appear ed high, high dn the sky. Slowly they sank until the warriors could see beings standing on them. Most wonderful and beautiful were they, lovely beyond all love liness that the earth ever had seen. Still the brave archers laid their arrows in rest and pulled their bow strings taut February 1967 49 with all thdir might. The terrible swordsmen set their faces into the most fearful creases and wrinkles and lifted their eyebrows in their most murderous manner, as they brought up their swords, ready to smjite and slay. •One of the cloud people held up both hands. Instant, ly the arms of the archers were powerless. Their right hands yielded helplessly to the pull of the deadly bow strings, and the arrows sank to the ground. The swords men could not hold their swords and had to let them slip from nerveless hands. The door of the under ground vault sprang open of itself, and Nayotake appear ed. The moon people ap proached her with two shin ing caskets. One of these contained, the aerial garments and the other contained the herb of immortality. Nayotake nibbled a bit of the herb. Then she wrote verses of farewell to the Mi kado, thanking him for his great love. Weeping, she gave the verses and the herb of immortality to Takomo Okuni, put on the aerial gar ments and stepped on one of the clouds. Swiftly the clouds rose, and in a few mo ments were lost in the sky. When the Mikado heard of her departure from earth and read her loving, gentle verses he became immersed in a melancholy that never lifted from his soul through out all the rest of his life. He lived only to think of her. He would not touch the herb of immortality. He sent it by trusted servants to the summit of the great Mountain Fujiyama with strict orders to destroy it by fire. This was done. The ser vants made a vast pile of fag gots and laid the tiny herb on it. The flame licked high toward Heaven and they stirred it until all the masses of firewood were utterly con sumed and nothing remain ed- except the very finest ash. Yet the fire iin the heart of it would not stop. It has not stopped yet, and people say, it never will. It is the herb of immortality burning forever. That is why there always is smoke on the peak of beautiful, chaste Fu jiyama. — As interrupted by Julius W. Muller. 50 Panorama ■ An Englishman expresses a critical comment on English conduct and destiny. AND THE PITIABLE ENGLISH' I have nothing against the English people. I have taught the English language to their children for seven years. I only have infinite pity for them, l’ike one has for a dead railway station, or a tame lion in a tame English park, or a bull, in an empty china shop. More than 2,000 years ago when the Britons — that’s us — were a civiliized people in these parts, the English were swineherds on the Danube. Armed with their pig-sticking equipment they gradually moved from the Danube and eventually came to these islands where the Scots, the Irish, and ourselves moved over to make room for them. It was not that we disliked them but, well you know, you don’t want your children mixing with all sorts, do you? The real trouble started when the saints came and told the English about God, and how God loved the Eng lish; but the Englishman did not understand that God loved the Welsh, the Irish, and all the others too. He thought God loved only the English, so he took his pig sticker and God’s book and set out to conquer the world for the English God; and soon the Red Indians, the Africans, the Egyptians, the South Sea Islanders, the Chi nese, the Maoris, the Welsh, the Irish, the Scots, the monks, and millions more were all working for him. Mind you, he said it was for God and Queen Victoria; so week by week, year by year, as to all the faithful, he an nounced the collection and got it. Five percent he gave to God, twenty-flive per cent to Queen Victoria, the rest he kept for himself. It is all recorded in the New Bible which he invented called The Financial Tinies. He also invented a proverb for all his colonial states: “honesty is the best policy.” It was only lately that I dis(Turn to page 56) February 1967 51 IMPROVING OUR ENGLISH This section of Panorama will be regularly published for the benefit of Filipino students of English. It will be devoted to idiomatic English — nouns, verbs, adverbs, prepositions, and expressive phrases. Idiomatic expressions are distinctive ways or peculiarites of using words and phrases in English. They are usually forcible, terse, and vivid. They are the most difficult part of the language for a person to learn who is not an American or Englishman. They must be committed to memory and frequently used in speaking and writing. B. ADJECTIVES, PARTICIPLES, AND APPROPRIATE PREPOSITIONS 1. According to. The building is according to the architect’s plans. 2. Accruing to. The profits accruing to him from the busi ness. 3. Accustomed to. It is hard to drive a carabao not accus tomed to the yoke. The work of the office will be easy when you get accustomed to it. 4. Addicted to. Can you save a man addicted to alcohol? 5. Adequate to. The supply of provisions is not adequate to the needs of the family. 6. Adjacent to. These two men’s farms are adjacent to each other. 7. Affixed to. The syllable -en affixed to an adjective often forms a verb, e.g. broad, broaden. 8. Agreeable to. The plan was not agreeable to his wishes. The acquaintance he formed became far from agree able to him. 9. Allotted to. He likes the place allotted to him in the procession. 52 Panorama 10. Amenable to. Is this student amenable to the rules of the college? 11. Applicable to. Your criticisms are' not applicable to the subject. 12. Ashamed of. He is ashamed of his folly. Are you not ashamed of your company? 13. Attentive to. A pupil should be attentive to his teacher. No one was more attentive to his duty than he. 14. Awake to. He is not awake to his opportunities. 15. Belonging to. He stole a horse belonging to his gentle man. 16. Beneficial to. Regular exercise is beneficial to health. Stability of government is beneficial to any nation. 17. Close by, to. His house is close by mine, or close to mine. 18. Common to. The act of sleeping is common to man and beast. 19. Conducive to. Gopd ventilation is conducive to good health. 20. Consecrated to. A monument consecrated to the memory of the brave. 21. Contiguous to. Manila is contiguous to Pasay. 22. Contrary to. This has turned out contrary to my ex pectations. His opinions are directly contrary- to yours. 23. Corresponding to, with. I found an old picture corres ponding to one printed in this book. 24. Crushed to death; crushed to pulp. Crushed with grief. 25. Deaf to all entreaty, to advice, to reason. 26. Detrimental to. His enmity is detrimental to your inte rests. 27. Disagreeable to. It is disagreeable to me to hear such things. 28. Displeasing to. His manner was very displeasing to me. 29. Distasteful to. Travelling is distasteful to the old man. 30. Equal to. He was equal to the occasion. This angle is equal to that. Will the boy be equal to such a task? February 1967 53 31. Essential to. Truth and purity are essential to moral character. 32. Expose to danger, to the attack of the priests. 33. Faithful to the trust reposed in him; to one’s engagements. 34. False to. He has proved false to his professed principles. Never be false to your promises. 35. Familiar to, with. His name is familiar to me. Nothing but careful study can make one familiar with the Visayan tongue. 36. Fatal to. The wound is likely to prove fatal to him. This exercise is fatal to good health. 37. Friendly to. He will not join the association, but he is friendly to it. 38. Given to, is to be devoted or addicted to. I am sorry to say this man is given to the use of alcohol. This man is given to study. 39. Grateful to a person, for a thipg. He feels grateful to you for the kindly interest you have taken in him. He is grateful for your kindness. 40. Hostile to. I always thought him hostile to you. 41. Important to. This document is important to your case. 42. Indebted to a person for a thing. I am greatly indebted to you for your help. 43. Indifferent to. A good bishop seeks to be indifferent to pleasure or pain. 44. Indispensable to. Clearness and precision are indispens able to a good style of writing. Food is indispensable to life. 45. Inferior to. I do not acknowledge myself inferior to him. His essay is not inferior to yours. 46. Injurious to. Intemperate habits are injurious to health. Instability of government is injurious to the best interests of a country. 47. Kind to. Be kind to the poor. God is kind to men. If you 3re kind to others, they will in turn be kind to you. 54 Panorama 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. Liable for, to. Is a man liable for his son’s debts? He is liable to imprisonment for a month. Lost to. He is lost to all sense of shame. Loyal to. A good citizen is loyal to the government. Married to a good wife. Natural to. It is natural to man to err. Obedient to. The servant must be obedient to his master. Opposite to. Whose house is opposite to the hospital? Painful to. This news is very painful to my mother. Parallel to. This line is parallel to that. Partial to. This man is always partial to his friends. Peculiar to. Pertinent to. ject. Pleasant to. This is a custom peculiar to the Moros. These remarks are not pertinent to the sub Sweet music is pleasant to the ear. Preferable to. Poverty with honesty is preferable to wealth got by unfair means. Prejudicial to. This will be prejudicial to your best inte rests. Preparatory to. He studied logic preparatory to entering the college. Previous to. He left previous to your arrival. Prior to. This event was prior to the battle of Panipat. Productive of. Industry and economy will be productive of good results. Profitable to, for. Are protective duties in the long run profitable to a country? The book will prove pro fitable for the public to read. Proportionate to. Rewards should be proportionate to merit. Relevant to. His speech was not relevant to the question. Repugnant to. All harshness is repugnant to his feelings. Sacred to. The heart should be a temple sacred to God alone. Similar to. The coin you showed me is similar to this one. Starved to death; starved zvith hunger, with cold. (Starve once meant to die any manner of death.) 1967 74. Strange to. This custom is strange to me. 75. Subject to. All things earthly are subject to decay. A girl subject to fits of epilepsy. 76. Subsequent to. A time long subsequent to the king’s death. I got his reply subsequent to the date of my second letter. 77. Superior to. He is superior to all meanness. 78. Thankful to a person, for a benefit. Be thankful to God for all His gifts. I feel very thankful to my old friend for giving me this appointment. 79. True to. Be true to the trust reposed in you. A servant true to his master’s interests. 80. Unknown to. A man unknown to fame. His handwriting is unknown to me. 81. Useful to a person, for a purpose. AND THE PITIABLE . . . (Continued from poge 51 ) covered that this is only half the proverb. Only to his own children in their little prep schools and at Eton, Harrow, and-Winchester did he teach the whole proverb, which goes thus: “Honesty is the best policy unless you can get away with it”; and get away with it he did, until the Americans refused to put any money in the collection — only tea. leaves. Today they have nearly all gone — one by one, the provincial churches of the imperial Eng lish crown. Gibraltar, the Falklands, Scotland, North ern Ireland, and ourselves are about all that are left to look after the old Bull and its beloved Stock Exchange. — I. B. Griffith in Good Morning Wales. 56 Panorama Panorama Reading Association PANORAMA invites the educated public to join its Association of Readers. PANORAMA READING ASSOCIATION is dedicated to men and women who appreciate the variety and quality of its articles as sources of liberal ideas. PANORAMA READING ASSOCIATION includes stu dents, businessmen, professionals, proprietors, employers, and employees. It is also open to clubs, schools, and other ac credited organizations. PANORAMA has been in existence for over Thirty Years. PANORAMA provides excellent material for classes in history, government, economics, political and social studies, lite rature, and science. It may be adopted for secondary and college use. PANORAMA is not a fly-by-night publication. It was bom in Match, 1936. COMMUNITY PUBLISHERS, INC. Inverness, (M. Carreon) St., Sta. Ana, Manila, Philippines Contents Education, Freedom, Security ................ .................................. 1 The Constitutional Convention and Congress in the Philippines ............................................................. 2 The Criterion of Quality in Education ................................ 14 The Cose for Autonomy for Private Higher Education 14 Judicial System in Spain .......................................................... 26 Capitol Punishment .................................................................... 28 Woman Suffrage in the Philippines ..................................... 31 The Vietnamese Girl Today ................................................... 35 Wearing the Right Clothes ..................................................... 38 Why A Foreign ? anguage? ........................ ...... ...................... 42 'I Take Up My Pen' ............................................................... 44 Creative Productivity ................................................................. 46 The Moon Maiden ...................................................................... 48 And the Pitiable English 54 Improving Our English ............................. ............................. 52